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Federal E-News

March/April/May 2009

NCTR's Federal e-News provides important information on the issues and events in Washington, D.C. that may impact NCTR members. For more information, contact Leigh Snell, NCTR's Director of Federal Relations, at (540) 333-1015 or by email at: lsnell@nctr.org.

GASB Issues Invitation to Comment on Possible Revisions to Governmental Plan Accounting and Reporting Standards

The Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB) has taken the next step in its Post-Employment Benefits project by releasing an “Invitation to Comment” (ITC) on possible changes to GASB Statements 25 and 27. These two GASB statements provide standards for accounting and reporting on the pension benefits that governments provide to their employees. Depending on the outcome of this project, GASB’s rules could be changed to require governmental plans to disclose the value of their liabilities using a risk-free rate of return, often referred to as the market value of liabilities (MVL) approach. In addition to the MVL issue, GASB is seeking input on other very important subjects including the range of actuarial cost methods that are permitted to be used; amortization issues; and asset smoothing. Comments are due by July 31, 2009, and NCTR is working with NASRA to develop a joint response to this critically important challenge. All NCTR members are urged to become involved ASAP.

Since 2006, GASB has been conducting a research project examining the effectiveness of its accounting and reporting standards for public pensions and OBEB benefits, which have now been in place for more than ten years. The ITC explains the major issues that have been identified in this review process, discusses possible approaches to address them, and then asks for input from the public.

As GASB explains it, the goal of this review is to “improve accountability, or the transparency of financial reporting.” This would include improving the information provided to help financial report users “assess the degree to which interperiod equity has been achieved.” By interperiod equity, GASB means that a government is covering the costs of providing services with resources raised during the period in which the services were provided, and not shifting costs to future periods.

GASB also wants to improve the usefulness of information that the various users of financial reports of governmental employers and pension or OPEB plans need for their decision-making processes. That is, GASB wants to be sure that the information that is provided proves to be useful to the public and other users of governmental reports for making such decisions as “whether to buy a government’s bonds, where to purchase a home or send a child to school, how to vote on a school budget or municipal bond referendum, or how to allocate scarce resources in a budget,” in GASB’s words.

Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the GASB project deals with the possible requirement that a governmental plan must value and report its liabilities based on their “market value.” That is, plans’ investment return assumptions would have to employ a risk-free rate instead of an estimated long-term rate of return based on expected investments. This MVL approach would not recognize future salary growth or accrual of future retirement benefits, and would ignore asset smoothing.

As NCTR has previously argued in formal communications with the American Academy of Actuaries and the Actuarial Standards Board, the use of MVL (1) could lead to the disclosure of plan costs and liabilities that do not accurately represent the dynamics of governmental plans and are therefore unnecessarily high; (2) could lead to the application of investment approaches that would unnecessarily limit the asset allocation and investments returns that can be earned by plans; and (3) would create confusion among decisions-makers, taxpayers, and the media about the funded levels of public pension plans, potentially leading to their disuse or abandonment.

GASB’s decisions on the MVL issue are therefore certainly critical ones for public plans. However, the GASB review also raises a number of other very important questions regarding governmental plan accounting and disclosure that, depending on the manner in which GASB ultimately decides to address them, could present other significant challenges to public pensions’ future viability.
For example, at the very heart of GASB’s examination of the overall process is the fundamental issue of what should be the focus of pension reporting. Specifically, GASB is trying to decide if pension financial reporting should focus on the process by which an employer incurs an obligation to employees to provide pension benefits in retirement, rather than following the current approach, which looks at the annual pension contributions an employer needs to make on a regular basis in order to pay the normal cost and amortize the unfunded accrued benefit obligation within an acceptable number of years.

If GASB were to change the focus from financing to incurrence, many believe that it would fundamentally alter the future of defined benefit plans. That is, advocates of the current GASB approach believe that switching to the incurrence method would focus on the short term, (i.e., on benefits accrued to date, and not benefits that are projected to be accrued), thus ignoring the ongoing nature of State and local governments. This short-term focus, which is inconsistent with current public plan funding methods, would favor the MVL methodology and could create confusion for users of pension financial reports.

GASB is also looking at what the measures should be for the recognition of employers’ pension liabilities and expenses. Currently, GASB views a pension liability as the shortfall in the Annual Required Contribution (ARC), with the ARC being the expense. GASB is thinking about alternative approaches that would look instead at the unfunded accrued benefit obligation as the liability.
Changes to GASB’s current approach in this area, some believe, could mean that the total costs of pensions over the long term would not be accurately reflected. However, there are those who believe that changes should be made because the current system fails to adequately reflect the effects of retroactive benefit enhancements.

Another area under review is the manner in which the potential impact of future changes in benefits are incorporated into actuarial calculations. Specifically, GASB is considering requiring future automatic cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), ad hoc COLAs, projected service credits and future salary growth to be included in a plan’s unfunded accrued benefit obligation. Changes here could mean that the focus would be on liabilities incurred to date, and that calculating the unfunded accrued benefit obligation based on future service and salary would no longer be appropriate.

Actuarial cost methods used to determine the employer’s unfunded accrued benefit obligation are also under reconsideration. For example, GASB is trying to decide if it should reduce the number of acceptable actuarial cost methods that governments may choose from (there are currently six), and if so, which method(s) should be kept, or if it should keep all the present methods and perhaps even add more.

Then there is the issue of amortization. GASB is rethinking its current approach, which allows unfunded accrued benefit obligations to be amortized over a period as long as 30 years. GASB wants to know if the maximum amortization period should instead be over the average remaining service period for employees, or if applying different periods to different parts of the pension cost would be preferable. It is even asking if it should require the immediate recognition of all pension costs.

Turning to the area of valuation of assets, GASB is considering if asset smoothing should continue to be allowed, and if so, whether it should be over a specified period set by GASB, or if the time frame should be left up to governments and their plans to determine.

GASB is also asking whether it should impose accounting and reporting standards on participating employers in cost-sharing multiple-employer pension plans that are different from those applied to single-employer and agent multiple-employer plans. Finally, GASB is trying to decide if governmental plans should recognize the accrued benefit obligation in their financial statements, and if they should provide an annual statement of changes in unfunded accrued benefit obligations.

For these and other issue areas that GASB is examining, the ITC presents a range of views, as well as some pro and con arguments that could be made in connection with these views. The ITC then asks specific questions on which it is seeking public comment. The deadline for such comments is July 31, 2009. GASB will also be holding a public hearing on August 26, 2009, on the ITC; the deadline to request to testify is also July 31st. There will then be a period of time for GASB to reflect, and sometime in the middle of 2010, GASB will take the next step in the process, which could be to offer their preliminary views, or to actually present an exposure draft.

The NCTR/NASRA Joint Task Force on MVL has already met to discuss the issue, and the two associations will be working together to craft a response. One approach under consideration is to prepare a statement that could be made available for individual plans to join, as was done in connection with the Actuarial Standards Board’s request for comments regarding Actuarial Standards of Practice No. 27 last July. That effort obtained the signatures of 72 plan administrators.

However, it must be remembered that this letter focused solely on the MVL issue, where there is widespread consensus on the problems that MVL would create for governmental plans. While there may also be such consensus on many of the other important areas that are the subject of the ITC, it is critically important that such common ground be identified and agreed upon ASAP.

Therefore, please make every effort to review the ITC expeditiously and provide NCTR with your input (and/or your questions) as soon as possible. The document itself may appear intimidating, but there is a very good “Plain Language Supplement” to the ITC prepared by GASB that is very helpful in understanding the basis for the ITC’s requests. A summary prepared by Paul Zorn with Gabriel, Roeder, Smith is also a good resource, as is a shorter summary prepared by Stephen J. Gauthier with the Government Finance Officers Association (GFOA). (If, on the other hand, you can’t get enough information on these topics and their implications, be sure to check out the “Snapshot” item in this issue of E-News discussing the recent Society of Actuaries Symposium in Chicago. You will find links to 20 papers on a range of topics, including MVL, that relate to the GASB project.)

NCTR and NASRA will be posting additional information concerning the ITC to our respective websites. Also, please keep in mind that GASB views plans themselves primarily as preparers of information, while it sees trustees and plan boards as users of such information. Therefore, comment letters may have more impact if they are seen as coming from plan board chairs, trustees and other users of plan disclosures. Finally, the more information that is provided at the outset of this process, and the more questions that can be raised now, the better. GASB will be less likely to be sympathetic to considering these at later stages in the process if they have not been identified now. Furthermore, as each stage in GASB’s consideration is completed, there will likely be fewer alternatives to consider going forward and more and more viewpoints will become “locked in.” So now is the time to engage!"

There is probably nothing in the foreseeable future with the potential to have a greater impact on governmental plans – for better or for worse – than this GASB review of our accounting and reporting standards. The fact that GASB has decided to follow an “invitation to comment” approach, which makes their review process longer and more complex, reflects the seriousness which they attribute to this review and the significance of any potential changes they may decide to make. So far, our community’s responses to the initial skirmishes on the subject of MVL appear to have generally been successful. But the GASB effort represents the ultimate challenge. Let’s be sure not to win the battles but lose the war.

GASB Invitation to Comment
GASB ITC Plain Language Supplement
NCTR/NASRA Joint Statement on MVL
GRS Review of GASB ITC
GFOA Review of GASB ITC (see p. 2)

Feds Reverse Themselves on Withholding Tables, but Create Even More Problems with Proposed Solution

The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) has now decided that pension plans’ use of new withholding tables reflecting the “Making Work Pay” tax credit could indeed create under-withholding problems for many retirees – as they were advised in February by NCTR and others. However, instead of simply permitting plans to revert to the use of the old withholding tables, the IRS has provided new withholding adjustment procedures that pension plans, at their option, can choose to implement in an effort to try to “put the toothpaste back in the tube.” The new procedures will be costly and time-consuming for many plans to implement, and trying to explain this latest twist will also be expensive and even more confusing to retirees who flooded call centers when the first changes in withholding were made. As a result, some plans are considering doing nothing more in connection with this mess and relying instead on IRS promises to conduct a “wider outreach campaign to educate pensioners and other taxpayers about the withholding tables.”

Following complaints from employee groups, including AFSCME, and retiree organizations such as the NRTA, AARP’s educator community -- as well as inquiries from Capitol Hill and increasing press coverage of the potential impact of under-withholding on retirees -- the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) announced on May 14th that it had decided pension plans could choose a new procedure to address the potential under-withholding problems created by Publication 15-Tt.

The problem was that the new withholding tables, which took effect April 1st, incorporated the new “Making Work Pay Tax Credit,” one of the key provisions of the massive American Recovery and Reinvestment Act that became law early in 2009. The idea was to provide an immediate economic stimulus by increasing taxpayers’ take-home pay. However, pension payments are not considered “earned income” and thus do not qualify for the credit. Therefore, for some retirees, public and private, who only received such income, the new withholding tables would likely result in under-withholding. This in turn could mean these retirees might unexpectedly owe taxes next year, or even possibly penalties.

NCTR notified the Treasury Department in February about this problem, and officials there agreed that “Because pension income is not subject to the new credit, using the new tables will increase the likelihood that pension recipients will owe taxes (and possibly penalties) at the end of the year.” NCTR also helped alert participant organizations and retiree groups to the issue. However, the IRS decided that permitting pension plans to use the old withholding tables in Publication 15 would be confusing and ignored these expressions of concern.

Consequently, many public plans spent thousands of dollars revising their systems to accommodate the new tables, and then even more monies in connection with notices to retirees advising them of the reason for the withholding change and the possible need to make changes in their W-4P withholding forms. Plan call centers were then swamped with inquiries from confused retirees.

The IRS itself also began to hear from plan participant and retiree organizations, who also contacted Capitol Hill to alert them to the impending problem. The media began to run stories on the potential impact on retirees as well. For example, in early April, the Columbus Dispatch ran a piece that noted that while Americans are getting more money in their paychecks and pension payments thanks to a new tax change in the Federal stimulus package, “but retirees beware: A little-publicized quirk could lead to a nasty surprise at tax time next year.” CNN also picked up the story.

However, when the IRS decided to make the change, it did not consult with pension plans. Also, it refused to advise NCTR about any details concerning a possible change in this policy despite repeated calls to the agency. As a result, the new “cure” is in many ways worse than the original problem itself. Instead of permitting plans to simply revert to the old withholding tables in Publication 15 that were replaced by the new withholding tables in Publication 15-T -- which would have been a relatively easy switch for most plans – the IRS produced new withholding tables which are “to be used only in conjunction with the withholding tables found in Publication 15-T.” These new tables provide additional withholding amounts which, according to the IRS, provide “an approximate offset for the withholding reduction” that was included in the new tables that jiust went into effect. Clear as mud?

Unfortunately, given that some under-withholding has already probably occurred, a simple reversion to the old tables would likely not completely offset the damage. In order to return an individual retiree to the position he/she would have been in prior to the original change, some over-withholding may now be necessary. Hence, the apparent need for yet a new withholding table.

As noted, the use of the new tables is optional. Based on the additional time, cost and confusion it would entail, some plans are already deciding not to make the change. Here is how one NCTR system director of a relatively small plan explained it: “The change to the new tax tables in March caused considerable concern among our retired members, which resulted in hundreds of calls and numerous new tax withholding filings. We are now preparing to send another targeted mailing to our retirees to provide further updates, which will likely generate more calls. A rough estimate of the additional cost incurred, including the upcoming mailing, is around $20,000. This includes staff time, postage and miscellaneous items such as paper stock for the mailings, etc. Frankly, if we included compensation for the ‘pain and suffering’ of our retired members as they struggle to understand what this means to them, the cost would be significantly higher. It is not an overstatement to state that the confusion surrounding this issue had had a negative impact on our most vulnerable population.”

The IRS claims that it is committed to helping address the confusion that their original decision has created. For example, the IRS says that they are “gearing up for a wider outreach campaign to educate pensioners and other taxpayers about the withholding tables and Recovery payments.” The IRS has also promised that it “will work with partner groups to provide taxpayers information to make sure they have the appropriate withholding for their situation,” and will also “work on developing a variety of information products, including brochures, video and audio material to help educate taxpayers.” NCTR will be contacting the IRS to learn more about these IRS efforts to determine if they can be useful to our member systems.

Regardless how your plan decides to deal with this latest turn, there will likely still be problems next year at tax time. NCTR will be using this experience as an example with both Congress and the Treasury Department of how costly and unfortunate the IRS refusal to work closely with pension systems can be. It would therefore be very helpful, if you haven’t already done so, to provide us with your experiences with this program, particularly any cost figures that you may have developed.

IRS Announcement on New Withholding Option for Pension Plans
Columbus Dispatch Article on Under-Withholding Problem

Financial Markets Reform: Public Plans Weigh in as Overall Process Continues to Evolve

Both Congressional Democrats and the Obama Administration remain committed to major reform of the capital markets. However, the shape of that reform effort and its likely timetable are all very much in flux. In the meantime, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Congress are moving on a number of important market-related matters, including proxy access and credit rating agency reform. An ad hoc group of public pension plans has weighed in with a statement of principles concerning financial market reform that provides their view of what the framework for more effective regulation of the global financial markets should look like. The statement also cautions against placing restrictions on the investment options available to public plans. This same group has also expressed strong support for the SEC and its continued role as the primary advocate for investors, but the Obama Administration’s reported plans for a new “consumer protection” agency as part of market reform could present problems in this regard.

Convinced that reform of the current regulatory structure of the financial markets must be accomplished in order to prevent another economic crisis from occurring, the House and Senate as well as the Obama Administration continue to work on the details of what could be a massive restructuring of the current system of Federal market controls. Promising sweeping reforms of the financial system, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner was recently quoted as saying that “We’re going to have to bring about a lot of changes to the basic framework of oversight, so there’s better enforcement,” and that this will “require simplifying, consolidating this enormously complicated, segmented structure.”

Federal Reserve Board Chairman Ben Bernanke has also said that it is necessary to develop a strategy that regulates the financial system as a whole, “in a holistic way, not just its individual components.” While strong and effective regulation and supervision of banking institutions is necessary for reducing systemic risk, Bernanke believes that such reforms would not be sufficient by themselves.

But the outlines of the overall reform effort continue to evolve. For example, much of the early discussion focused on the creation of a “systemic risk” regulator and the merging of several of the current regulatory agencies. Generally, by “systemic risk,” most commentators seem to be referring to the effects created by the inability of the current financial regulatory system to adequately oversee large and interconnected financial institutions; the fact that some of today’s financial activities and institutions are not subject to oversight and /or control by the current system’s financial regulators; and the impact of market innovations that have created new and complex financial products that the current regulatory system was simply not designed to regulate, such as credit default swaps (CDS).

It was initially thought that the job of regulator of these systemic risks would best be entrusted to the Federal Reserve. However, based on what many saw as the Fed’s failure to adequately oversee the AIG bailout, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) have both suggested that this may no longer be their view. Instead, there has been some discussion that the job should be given to a council or committee of existing regulators. For example, SEC Commissioner Luis Aguilar (D) recently outlined such a possible approach with an empowered, appropriately funded SEC as a key participant.

As Commissioner Aguilar warned in an April 17th speech, "systemic risk" and its regulation must not be so centered on preserving the viability of institutions that are "too big to fail" that it produces a financial regulatory model “that focuses on institutions, not investors, and positions a government regulator to pick winners and losers among companies at the expense of investors and market certainty.” Aguilar argues that systemic risk regulation should instead “focus on ensuring the continuation of systemically important market functions, and on investor protections.” It must, he said, “pro-actively regulate” to prevent institutions from being too big to fail in the first place. “This regulation [of systemic risk] must do more than set prudential standards,” Aguilar believes.

Another alternate that some are considering is a “hybrid” approach -- in which there would be a single regulator for systemically significant firms coupled with a systemic risk council to provide “macro-prudential oversight of risk.” This is a proposal that has been floated by Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) Chairman Sheila Bair and recently received support from SEC Chairman Mary Shapiro. “Given the various components of effective financial regulation,” Ms. Shapiro recently told the Investment Company Institute (ICI), “I have long been concerned about excessive concentration of power -- which really means excessive concentration of point of view -- in a single regulator.”

Chairman Shapiro said she envisioned a new system of financial regulation that would include (1) an entity responsible for the regulation of the markets for investment capital; (2) an entity (or entities) responsible for regulating banking institutions; (3) an entity responsible for monitoring and averting risks to the financial system as a whole, and (4) an entity responsible for resolution of troubled institutions. In her view, the SEC is the clear choice for the capital markets regulator. “Capital markets regulation is of a single piece,” she said. “Splitting it into smaller pieces, I strongly believe, would be a disaster.”

Most recently, State financial regulators (the North American Securities Administrators Association, the Conference of State Bank Supervisors, and the National Association of Insurance Commissioners) joined the debate. They have put their support behind a systemic-risk council that would include all Federal and state banking, insurance and securities regulators, and urged that a single agency should not be made responsible for systemic risk. They believe that such a council's power should be limited to making recommendations to those regulators, and that the authority of existing functional regulators should remain intact.

Nevertheless, as recently as May 8th, the Obama Administration underscored its support for a new systemic risk regulator, and continued to press its view that the job should be given to the Federal Reserve. Indeed, many think that the White House will send a proposal to Capitol Hill in June to do just that.

But will it fly? Some think that “systemic-risk” authority will simply be divided up among the existing regulatory authorities, and that there will be no single agency in charge. Others believe that there will indeed be a new regulator – in all likelihood the Fed because it is felt that the systemic-risk regulator has to be able to control the ability to lend in on emergency basis to institutions that are in crisis. However, it may not be all-powerful. “I suspect we’ll end up with a systemic-risk regulator, but with lots of functional regulators who will try to figure out whose job it is to do what,” according to Annette Nazareth, a former SEC Commissioner. As for the “hybrid” idea suggested by Bair, Shapiro and others, the Obama Administration is reportedly not supportive of the concept of a council because of the difficulty of getting decisions made in such a setting.

And what of the fate of the SEC? Its Chairman is certainly pressing to maintain and revitalize an independent SEC. Ms. Shapiro believes that there should be one agency of government “focused single-mindedly and without dilution on the well-being of America's investors,” and that the SEC has built expertise and a culture of investor protection that should be preserved and maintained. She says that “I will do whatever I can to make sure that the interests of investors are preserved in the debate on regulatory reform.”

The possibility that the SEC -– or certain of its functions -- would be merged with other regulatory agencies was originally seen as a likely outcome of regulatory reform. However, more recently, this approach appeared to have been losing some steam, with Chairman Shapiro pursuing an aggressive agenda for the SEC, which she said “will be one of the most active rulemaking periods in the Commission's history.”

But the most recent rumors are that the Obama Administrations’ latest market reform proposals, expected to be released shortly, will indeed propose stripping the SEC of some of its powers. Reportedly, the Fed may inherit some of them. Other functions would go to other bodies, including a new “consumer protection” agency, which would be charged with policing mortgages and other “consumer-oriented” financial products including mutual funds, which are currently the SEC’s responsibility. Such a move could seriously deplete the SEC’s staffing and other resources.

However, the SEC has its supporters, and such an effort will be strongly contested. For example, in early May, an ad hoc group of public pension plans wrote in support of the SEC to both the House Financial Services Committee as well as the Senate Banking Committee. In their letter, the fourteen plans expressed their support for the new SEC Chairman, strongly urging that the SEC “must have the independence, robust regulatory authority, staffing, and budgetary resources necessary to effectively fulfill its unique mission of investor protection.”

In response to the recent rumors that the SEC could be effectively abolished or seriously diminished in an Administration reform proposal, this ad hoc group immediately wrote to Secretary Geithner, asking him “in the most forceful terms possible” that the SEC not be diminished. “In the wake of recent market events, it is difficult to imagine a more compelling need for a strong, independent regulator with a proven record of expertise and experience to oversee and advocate the interests of investor protection,” the pension funds wrote in their May 21st letter.

This ad hoc group had also previously developed a set of “Principles of Financial Regulation Reform” that are intended to serve as a framework for more effective regulation of global financial markets. Specifically, the group believes that the “Re-establishment of the SEC’s role as a voice and protector of investors is overdue and critical.” The group also stressed that “Regulatory changes need to recognize that investor protections must be tailored to the type of investor and type of investment product, rather than a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach.”

The key elements of the principles are: greater disclosure and transparency; true regulatory independence; an increased and effective shareowner voice in the capital markets; earlier identification by regulators of issues that give rise to overall market risk that threaten global markets; and the preservation of institutional investors’ freedom to invest in the full range of investment opportunities. The Council of Institutional Investors (CII) has also recently officially endorsed this set of principles.

The ad hoc public sector investors group includes the California Public Employees’ Retirement System; the California State Teachers’ Retirement System; the Connecticut State Treasurer; the Colorado Public Employees’ Retirement Association; the Los Angeles City Employees’ Retirement System; the Los Angeles County Employees’ Retirement System; the Los Angeles Fire and Police Pensions; the Maryland State Treasurer; the New York State Common Retirement Fund; the Ohio Public Employees Retirement System; the State Universities Retirement System of Illinois; and the State of Wisconsin Investment Board.

So there is much that is happening in Washington of great importance to institutional investors, including public pension plans. While reform of the capital markets is the primary focus on Capitol Hill, the SEC is moving aggressively to address a number of structural issues, including access to the proxy and credit rating agency reform, that could also have as important an impact on the shape of the markets, their regulation – and their participants. However, if the SEC is stripped of much of its authority as part of market reform, how effective an investor protection agency can it be?

SEC Commissioner Luis Aguilar Speech on Market Reform
SEC Chairman Mary Shapiro’s Speech to the ICI
Public Plan Investors’ Principles of Financial Regulation Reform

Retirement Security Debate Heating Up

While the economy and the financial markets have stolen much of the spotlight in Washington, D.C., in recent days, and healthcare reform promises to become an increasingly important focus as the Senate prepares to advance a specific proposal, the problems with retirement security are also beginning to draw growing attention. For example, Congressman George Miller (D-CA), chairman of the House Education and Labor Committee, continues to hold his series of hearings on the problems with defined contribution (DC) plans, which he says “have become little more than a high stakes crap shoot.” As Miller explains, “We must … ask the difficult questions about the state of our nation’s retirement system as a whole and look to see whether we need to create a new leg of retirement security.” According to a small but growing number of voices, models built around the precepts of the defined benefit plan could fulfill that role better than a “new and improved” version of the DC approach.

What might that new leg for the proverbial three-legged stool of retirement security to which Congressman Miller alludes look like? A group compromised of the Economic Policy Institute, the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, the Pension Rights Center and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) has an idea. They have launched what they call “Retirement USA,” which is an initiative working for a new retirement system that, together with Social Security, will provide universal, secure, and adequate income for future retirees.

The Retirement USA principles are to be used as a framework for evaluating how well proposals would fulfill the goals of universal coverage, and secure and adequate income. The principals would include concepts such as: pooled assets that are professionally managed; shared responsibility among employers, employees and the government; payouts only at retirement; and benefits that could move with you even if you change jobs. Sounds like a DB model to me!

The Retirement USA groups say that their initiative is not intended to diminish in any way ongoing efforts to preserve, strengthen, and improve current pensions, 401(k plans, and other retirement plans, and to expand retirement plan coverage, but to begin work on a new, more comprehensive system as an add-on to Social Security.

Alicia Munnell with the prestigious Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, in a recent paper looking at the future of 401(k) plans, also wonders if the time may have come to consider returning 401(k) plans to their original position as a third tier on top of Social Security and employer-sponsored pensions.

In the meantime, the Obama Administration is signaling its support for DC solutions. In the President’s 2010 budget blueprint, the Administration supported a proposal that would require employers sponsoring 401(k) or similar defined contribution plans to offer automatic enrollment, while a second proposal would require employers who do not already have their own retirement plans to enroll their employees in a direct-deposit IRA.

However, the Administration has also indicated that it may have serious problems with the current way in which the Federal government subsidizes employer-based retirement. Noting that roughly half the work force has no access to employer-based retirement plans, Thomas E. Gavin, a spokesman for the Office of Management and Budget, also stressed that “the existing incentives to save for retirement are weak or non-existent for the majority of middle- and low-income households.” Given that about two-thirds of the current tax code subsidies for retirement security are for DC-type models, perhaps the Administration might also be open to a DB-type approach?

Is such major change in the works? It’s hard to tell. Right now, what is likely is that Congress will address 401(k) fee issues and could also revisit some Bush-era rules dealing with mutual-fund companies’ ability to offer personalized advice to 401(k) participants in the plans that the companies manage. So the focus will likely continue to be on trying to “fix” the 401(k) system. But is it “fixable” as a viable retirement plan, as opposed to a supplemental savings vehicle, even if, as is the apparent thinking of some within the Administration, participation is made mandatory? Which leg of the stool does Congress want a 401(k) plan to be? Clearly, the evidence would suggest that it doesn’t work successfully as both the supplemental savings leg and the pension plan leg.

Can DB plans still be relevant in any discussion about retirement security? Certainly the Retirement USA supporters think so. Also, the National Institute on Retirement Security (NIRS) is continuing to do excellent work to raise the visibility and viability of DB plans in policymakers’ thinking. For example, NIRS was recently invited to participate in a White House meeting of President Obama’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board (PERAB) to discuss the economic crisis and retirement security.

The PERAB is headed up by former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and includes a distinguished range of leaders from business, academia, and labor. The PERAB has established a number of working groups, one of which is focused on retirement and savings issues. The working group invited 11 leading academic and think tank researchers (including NIRS’ executive director, Beth Almeida) to share their perspectives with the task force on the morning of May 20th. Needless–to-say, we are certain Ms. Almeida was an eloquent spokesperson for the advantages of the DB model.

So the debate on the future look of retirement security is clearly underway, and while apparently outnumbered for now, DB supporters have some opportunities to make a difference. NIRS is an important resource for public plans in this debate. If you have ideas on how the defined benefit model can be used to provide real retirement security for all Americans, be sure to share them with NIRS.

Retirement USA Principles
Munnell Update on 401(k) Plans

New Public-Private Investment Initiative Announced; Feds Seeking Public Plan Particiption

In late March, the Treasury Department formally announced its Public-Private Investment Programs (PPIP) in conjunction with the FDIC and the Federal Reserve Board. The goal of the overall effort is to buy troubled mortgage loans and mortgage-backed securities from banks using $75 billion to $100 billion in Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) funds. Under the new program’s Legacy Loans initiative, these TARP funds will be used to leverage private investor monies which will fund the purchase of $500 billion of troubled bank assets through public-private investment funds. A Legacy Securities program will build on the current Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility (TALF). Pension funds in particular have been targeted for participation in the new programs.

The PPIP’s purpose is to help “unfreeze” credit markets by moving at least some of the “legacy” troubled assets off the balance sheets of financial institutions so that they can start lending again. Instead of using TARP funds to make direct capital infusions into banking institutions, as was initially the case when the program was set up in 2008, the PPIP program is intended to utilize the TARP monies to help purchase troubled loans and mortgage-backed securities.

The PPIP is intended to both leverage private sector dollars for this purpose, as well as help establish market prices for the effort through what the Treasury Department calls “Private Sector Price Discovery.” However, some believe that politically, of equal if not greater importance is the desire of the Obama Administration to have the overall Federal efforts in this area viewed more as responsible investments that governmental giveaways. So the political importance of having private investors such as pension funds involved to some degree in “risk-sharing” along with the taxpayer is an important image that the Administration wants to convey. Also, there is some concern that without such participation, this program will be viewed as simply another “bailout” – this time for hedge funds, who are likely participants and who have suffered during the current economic crisis

The new program has two components: a “Legacy Loan Program” and a “Legacy Securities Program.” Both programs involve the purchase of assets by new Public-Private Investment Funds (PPIF) capitalized by equity contributed by the Treasury Department and private investors. These will be leveraged by direct government or FDIC-guaranteed debt financing. The Loan Program’s goal is the establishment of a market for troubled loans that continue to overwhelm banks’ balance sheets. The Securities Program is designed to initially address illiquidity in the secondary markets for certain mortgage-backed securities, but it could be expanded to include other asset classes.

Under the Legacy Loan Program, banks will identify the assets they want to sell -- usually a pool of commercial and residential loans – and the FDIC will determine the amount of funding it is willing to guarantee; leverage will not exceed a 6-to-1 debt-to-equity ratio. Then these pools of assets will be auctioned off to the highest bidder, who will then create a PPIF. The winning bidder will contribute 50 percent of the required equity in excess of the guaranteed debt, with the Treasury contributing the remaining 50 percent of equity. Once the PPIF purchases the assets, the private fund managers will control and manage the assets until final liquidation, subject to FDIC oversight.

The second program, the so-called “Legacy Securities Program,” actually has two parts: one provides debt financing from the Federal Reserve pursuant to the TALF. Under the TALF program, the Federal Reserve loans private investors most of the funds they need to purchase securities backed by loans of various kinds; previously, the program covered only highly creditworthy, new securitizations of loans to consumers and small businesses. This new program will now permit the TALF to be used in connection with much more “toxic” TARP assets, chiefly residential and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Under the second part of the Legacy Securities Program, private sector fund managers will submit proposals and will be pre-qualified to raise private capital to participate in this joint investment program with Treasury. These managers will form both a private investment fund and a PPIF (the “Legacy Securities Fund”). Investors will invest in the private investment fund, where they will be locked in for at least three years. This private fund will then invest along with the Treasury Department in the Legacy Securities Fund, with each providing 50 percent of the required equity. The Federal government will also consider an additional loan to the fund of up to 100 percent of the total equity raised from private investors and the Treasury.

The Legacy Securities Funds will essentially pursue a long-term buy and hold strategy. Securities eligible for purchase will initially include only certain residential and commercial mortgage-backed securities that were originally rated AAA by two or more nationally recognized statistical ratings organizations.

There is apparently interest in the new PPIP from public pension funds, and a number of State officials have reportedly already spoken with Treasury representatives about the details of participation. Some think that public plans, as long-term, patient investors, would be well-suited to accept the risk associated with these mortgage securities pools in return for the opportunity to make above-market gains. Girard Miller, a frequent commentator on public pension issues for Governing Magazine, believes that the new program could represent a “viable opportunity” for public pension funds “to tip-toe into the mortgage market for long-term investment returns.” Furthermore, he also notes that there would be political benefits to such a move, calling it a good opportunity “for state and local pension fund participation in the cure of our nation's economic malaise.”

Whether the program will be seen as a golden investment opportunity for plans and a boost to the nation’s economic recovery effort, or (as characterized in at least one major news media release) a case of public pension funds becoming entangled with “toxic bank assets” will be a judgment call that each fund will have to make on its own. However, it appears that there is sufficient interest in the concept among some public plans that "people are going to try to work on options on how to potentially pursue it," as one public fund official has been quoted (anonymously) as saying.

Treasury Fact Sheet on Public Private Partnership Investment Program
Brookings Institute Assessment of PPIP
Girard Miller Column on PPIP in Governing Magazine

Healthcare Reform Advances; Mandatory Medicare for Public Employees Rears it's Head, as Does Taxation of Employer-Provided Healthcare

Congress has begun to take the first steps in the actual consideration of healthcare reform legislation, but the idea of creating a new government-run health plan in order to expand coverage continues to be a major sticking point. Of course, there is also the overarching issue of how to pay for the massive reform effort, and one possibility that has recently been included in a list of possible revenue-raising options developed for the Senate Finance Committee is to extend the Medicare payroll tax to all State and local government employees. Means testing of the Medicare Part D prescription drug benefit has also been put on the table. Finally, an idea that initially seemed to be off the table may be back on: taxing some employer-provided healthcare benefits.

At the end of April, the Senate Finance Committee began the arduous task of drafting healthcare reform legislation, focusing on Medicare and revisions of its payment system. Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-MT) and Ranking GOP Member Charles Grassley (R-IA) based the discussion on a set of proposals they released that are aimed at improving the quality of patient care and reducing healthcare costs.

In general, their proposals are intended to increase the number of primary care physicians, reduce hospital readmission rates, increase transparency, overhaul Medicare Advantage plan payments and create quality benchmarks for physicians and hospitals. They address chronic care management, pay-for-performance, health information technology, and comparative effectiveness research.

Since then, the Finance Committee has released two additional sets of policy options, one focused on expanding coverage and the most recent on the financing of reform, which provides proposed health system savings and revenue options.

There appears to be a good deal of consensus on the direction in which the quality of care options lead, according to both Baucus, who said that there was “near unanimity on the goals we’re reaching for,” and Grassley, who observed that he “did not find a lot of dissension” when they were discussed in the full Committee. However, these discussions have been closed to the public, so it is difficult to judge the true depth of any real consensus. Furthermore, all is apparently not “sweetness and light” when the focus turns to coverage.

For example, the Committee’s options to expand coverage included three alternatives for a public health insurance option. One is a Medicare-like option that would be administered by HHS, with the Federal government setting payment rates. Another alternative is a public health insurance option that would be administered through multiple, regional, third-party administrators, which would establish networks of participating medical providers and would negotiate payments for providers participating in this option. The third alternative would be a state-run public health insurance option. The policy paper also presents the option of not creating a public health insurance option, but expanding coverage through a reformed and better regulated private market.

When Senator Baucus signaled that, in an effort to obtain bipartisan support for a reform proposal, he might not push for such a public insurance option in any final plan, he was immediately assailed by sixteen Senate Democrats urging him to change his views. Their letter, which was also sent to Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee Chairman Ted Kennedy(D-MA), outlined the need for a public health insurance plan option to be included as a way of keeping HMO costs in-line and ensuring health insurance access in all parts of the country. Pressing for a public plan option as “a core component” of healthcare reform, they argued that “There is no reason to believe that private insurers alone will meet the public purpose of ensuring coverage for all Americans at an affordable price for taxpayers.”

However, Republicans are adamantly opposed to the public plan option in any form, and the business community also has serious problems with it. For example, the steering committee of the National Coalition on Benefits – which includes the Business Roundtable, the National Association of Manufacturers and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, among others -- has expressed “grave reservations.” In a letter to President Obama and House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY), the business leaders said that “A public plan, particularly combined with the impact of Medicare, Medicaid and other public plans, cannot operate on a level playing field and compete fairly if it acts as both a payer and a regulator.” They stressed their belief that “The public plan’s unfair competitive position, both by its size and regulatory authority, will merely shift costs to the private sector and employees covered by private plans.”

Even some Democrats reportedly raised concerns when the Senate Finance Committee met in another closed-door session to discuss the coverage options. Indeed, Senator Grassley has been reported as saying that there was "an awful lot of conflict" when the issue was discussed.

So where is the Obama Administration in all of this heated discussion? In general, the President has indicated his desire to set broad policy goals for healthcare reform and let the Congress hammer out the details. For example, when he released his 10-year budget plan earlier this year, he included the creation of a reserve fund to be used in connection with healthcare reform, but provided no details of how the coverage is to be provided. However, he cannot avoid some of the more critical aspects of the debate.

In fact, the President has said that a public plan provided by the Federal government would help guarantee access to health insurance for all Americans, and during the Presidential campaign, Mr. Obama indicated that he thought such a public plan could be modeled on Medicare. But, with reports that such an approach appears to be off the table, the White House is reportedly indicating that it could perhaps live with the two other options that seem to still be viable: a public insurance plan run by multiple regional third-party administrators; or insurance plans created by the States, which could permit the general public to purchase policies through the plans available to State employees. In any case, the pressure is on from many Congressional Democrats on both sides of the Hill for the President to hold firm for expanding the government’s role in providing health coverage. But Mr. Obama is playing his cards close to his vest, and has not yet made a final commitment to a public plan.

Then there is the issue of the cost of healthcare reform – and how to pay for it. A threshold question is just how much that cost will be, with some saying that it could top $1 trillion. In any case, according to this year’s Congressional budget, any healthcare legislation bill must pay for itself over an 11-year period, and President Obama agrees with this goal.

Of course, the manner of paying for this expense promises to also be a very tricky topic for discussion. The third set of policy options developed by the Senate Finance Committee deals with this subject, and was just released in mid-May. As with their coverage options, this latest package of financing proposals promises to also produce a vigorous debate. Of chief interest to many State and local governments is a proposal included in this set of options that would extend Medicare coverage on a mandatory basis to all employees of State and local governments, without regard to their dates of hire or participation in a retirement system.

Currently, State and local government employees hired (or rehired) after March 31, 1986, are subject to mandatory Medicare coverage. Employees who were hired before April 1, 1986, and who have been in continuous employment with the employer since March 3l, 1986, who are not covered under a Section 218 Agreement nor subject to the mandatory Social Security and Medicare provisions, remain exempt from both Social Security and Medicare taxes, provided they are members of a public retirement system.

Under the “Mandatory Medicare” revenue option, such employees and their employers would become liable for the hospital insurance (Medicare ) tax; the rate is 1.45 percent for the employee and 1.45 percent for the employer, and the amount of wages subject to Medicare taxes is not capped. Employees would earn credit toward Medicare eligibility based on their covered earnings.

When the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) looked at this kind of proposal in 2007, it determined that such an option would increase revenues by only $0.6 billion in 2008 and by a total of $2.7 billion over the 2008–2012 period. However, CBO also noted that the annual gain in revenues from that change would decline over time as employees who were hired before April 1986 gradually retired or otherwise left the payrolls of State and local governments. So the real argument for such a change is not really revenue-related. Rather, it deals with what proponents assert is fairness.

Specifically, they argue that even though only about 10 percent of State or local workers do not currently pay the Medicare tax through their employers, nevertheless most of them will receive Medicare benefits under current law because they either previously had other, Medicare-covered jobs, or they will be covered through their spouse's employment. Thus, the argument goes, these workers unfairly receive high levels of benefits in relation to the payroll taxes they paid.

Another funding option that has resurfaced recently is the taxation of certain healthcare benefits. This idea was floated by President Bush in January of 2007, when he proposed to “treat health insurance more like home ownership” by giving people tax deductions for their health insurance similar to those for home mortgage interest. His proposed deductions were to be used by people who didn’t have employer-provided coverage. The deductions would have been paid for by taxing people on that part of their employer-provided health insurance that exceeded the dollar amounts of the deductions.

The idea went nowhere, and when the general concept was resurrected during the last Presidential campaign by Senator John McCain (R-AZ), it ran into a buzz saw of opposition, including from then-candidate Obama, who characterized it as “the largest middle-class tax increase in history.” Also, unions have long considered such employer-provided benefits among their most outstanding accomplishments, and many Members of Congress are adamantly opposed to the idea of changing the current structure. For example, Congressman Pete Stark (D-CA), Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee’s Subcommittee on Health, has reportedly called it “a dumb idea,” saying that it is important “to maintain as much as we can of the employer payments.” Even the U.S. Chamber of Commerce opposes totally doing away with the exclusion for employer-provided health benefits (but may not oppose placing limits on it).

Nevertheless, some leading Democrats, including Senator Baucus, are now willing to entertain the idea. Senator Baucus think the current tax-favored treatment is “too regressive,” skewing the system to benefit upper income individuals. He also has problems with the alternative proposed by President Obama as the centerpiece of his funding approach for healthcare reform, which would be to limit the wealthiest taxpayers’ income tax deductions. House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel also has problems with that approach

One cause for their concern is that the President’s suggestion would only raise an estimated $318 billion over 10 years, compared to the potential for trillions of dollars that could be raised from adjustments to the tax treatment of employer-provided health benefits. For example, CBO says that including health benefits in taxable income could produce as much as $246 billion in additional Federal revenue in just one year.

Another factor in this discussion (one that could have major ramifications down the road for the current tax treatment of employer-provided pension benefits) is the level of subsidies and incentives related to healthcare in the Federal tax code and whether they are producing the most “bang for the buck.” The so-called “tax expenditure” (i.e. the amount of money that the Federal government foregoes in tax collections in order to subsidize a certain behavior) that results from the exclusion of employer-sponsored health care from income ($132.7 billion for calendar year 2008), when added to the other healthcare subsidies in the Internal Revenue Code, such as the exclusion of Medicare benefits from income, totaled a whopping $194.2 billion in the last calendar year.

Furthermore, these tax preferences for health care benefits also reduce payroll taxes by an additional $93.5 billion. Combined, total tax “spending” on health care therefore amounted to $287.7 billion in 2008, according to the Senate Finance Committee. With 46 million Americans lacking healthcare coverage, Members of Congress are increasingly questioning whether this Federal tax expenditure is a fair one. Some think it results in (1) inefficient and costly demands for health care due to a lack of appreciation for its true costs; (2) lower wages because employers can’t afford more and more costly health insurance premiums as well as pay salary increases; and (3) discriminatory treatment of those who do not have employer-provided coverage, many of whom are also low-income workers.

Therefore, as the Committee’s latest policy options for financing healthcare reform point out, “comprehensive health reform must also entail an examination of current health tax expenditures, with the goal of modifying, or perhaps limiting, these current expenditures.” One option would be to limit the value of employer-provided health coverage that is excludible from gross income to some specific dollar amount. Another option that is suggested would be to apply the limit only to taxpayers whose incomes exceed a threshold. For example, limits to the exclusion could apply to taxpayers with adjusted gross income (AGI) in excess of $200,000 ($400,000 for joint filers), with the limit phased out for taxpayers whose income exceeds that threshold.

A third option suggested in the Senate Finance paper would be to limit the exclusion based on both the value of employer-provided health insurance and the income of the taxpayer. And it is even suggested that any limits on the exclusion could vary based on geographic differences in the cost of living, including medical costs. Finally, yet another option could be to convert the exclusion to a deduction or tax credit. And other tax subsidies are also potentially on the chopping block, including reducing the tax advantages of health savings accounts and itemized deductions of medical expenses.

The Finance Committee options also examine two other areas of potential funding sources to pay for healthcare reform, namely savings achieved from within the health care system from reductions in current levels of spending; and changing non-health tax provisions. Among the former are such ideas as means-testing Medicare Part D -- thus requiring beneficiaries whose incomes exceed certain thresholds to pay higher premiums for Part D drug coverage -- or limiting or completely doing away with health flexible spending accounts, whereby employers reimburse medical expenses of their employees (and their spouses and dependents) not covered by a health insurance plan, typically through cafeteria plans. The non-health tax provisions would include imposing a Federal excise tax per 12 ounces of sugar-sweetened beverage, or a uniform tax based on the alcohol content of all distilled spirits, wine, and beer (currently the tax varies based on the type of product).

Based on these controversial options, the debate on the best way to finance healthcare reform will, as promised, certainly be a very contentious one. What, then, is the likely outcome concerning these financing options, and what are the latest expectations for Congressional action on a healthcare reform package?

First, as far as mandatory Medicare coverage for State and local governments is concerned, this may be a very hard sell. As previously noted, the revenues associated with the proposal are not large when you are looking at potentially a $1 trillion hole to fill, and they will begin to decline rather rapidly as the fixed group of potential new Medicare taxpayers increasingly begin to retire. Also, as the CBO points out, extending the tax to more employees would eventually increase the number of Medicare beneficiaries and could increase the Federal government's obligation for future Medicare benefits.

But perhaps the most compelling reason at this juncture not to extend coverage is the fiscal impact that this tax increase would have on the already precarious finances of those State and local governments with large numbers of workers who are not currently covered by Medicare. It is reported that Senators from affected States, such as Senator John Kerry (D-MA), are already working to keep the option off the table.

As for a means test for Medicare Part D, this one could fly. First, it was an idea that John McCain and his GOP colleagues endorsed in last year’s Presidential campaign. Next, even though he voted against such a means test proposal in 2007 as a Senator, now President Obama has included the idea as part of his FY 2010 budget proposal. Even Senator Baucus, who also voted no along with Obama in 2007, has now said that times have changed. There is a growing consensus among Democrats that health-care costs must be contained, and that coverage must be expanded to everyone, he says. "In the past, we've dealt with Part D on its own, and that tends to be polarizing,” Baucus is quoted as saying. “So the thought here is, that's much less likely if people think we're all in this together," Baucus said.

Finally, as for the possibility of some level of taxation of employer-provided healthcare benefits, this also appears to be an idea that is increasingly being given serious consideration. It could raise a very significant amount of money and could therefore well be part of some “grand compromise” on healthcare reform. Even President Obama may be changing his views on the subject. For example, Peter Orszag, the President’s Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), has testified before Congress that it is an idea that “most firmly should remain on the table.” Also, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has said in Congressional testimony that the administration was open to all ideas as to funding healthcare reform.

But it does not appear that the exemption from taxation will completely be done away with. In response to a new Republican healthcare reform proposal introduced in mid-May called the “Patients' Choice Act” -- which would eliminate the exemption and replace it with an annual tax credit of $2,300 to each individual and $5,700 to each family – Senator Baucus said that totally eliminating the tax incentives for employer-provided health benefits "would destroy the employer-based health-care system we have today." A more likely scenario is that limits would be placed on the exemption. But even this more restricted approach will meet strong opposition from unions and liberal Democrats, particularly in the House.

So where does it all go from here? Clearly, Senate leaders are trying to keep hopes alive for a bipartisan approach. Hence, Senator Baucus’ signals regarding a public plan component, discussed above, that have so disturbed many liberals in his own party. But Democratic leaders know that, even with the addition of former Republican Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) to their ranks, and assuming that Al Franken is finally declared the winner in Minnesota, keeping the resulting 60-vote majority to avoid a potential Senate GOP filibuster on healthcare reform will be very tough. For example, Senate conservative Democrat Ben Nelson (D-NB) has said that a public plan provision in the reform package would be a “deal breaker” for him, while liberal Democrats have threatened to withhold their support unless it is included.

One possible way around such an impasse would be to consider healthcare reform as part of the budget reconciliation process, which is not subject to being filibustered and would therefore only require 51 votes for passage instead of the filibuster-proof 60 vote super-majority. Indeed, the ability to do so was included in the final budget resolution for FY 2010 approved by Congress at the end of April. But Republicans, not a one of whom voted for the budget resolution, are adamantly opposed to this route, and Democratic leaders have said they will use it only as a “last resort.”

For now, the hope is that the Senate Finance Committee can reach agreement on a final draft bill in June, which will then be cleared for the full Senate without any further hearings. The Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee also plans to do the same with its healthcare reform proposals, and the two will be combined when the full Senate takes them up this summer. In the House, the plan is for the three Committees with jurisdiction – Energy and Commerce, Education and Labor, and Ways and Means – to come up with a single bill. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) recently told President Obama that the House will have a health care bill on the floor before it leaves for the August recess.

There is much work to do before such an ambitious schedule can be met, but on May 21st, Senator Baucus told reporters that chances of getting Senate approval of a bipartisan health-care overhaul are “very, very high.” Of course, what a final bill will look like remains to be seen. However, as discussed above, the outlines of such a likely proposal are becoming increasingly clear.

Finance Committee Policy Options on Quality of Care
Finance Committee Policy Options on Coverage
Finance Committee Policy Options on Financing Healthcare Reform

SEC Proposes New Proxy Access Rule

In a move that institutional investors view as long overdue, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has approved for public comment a proposal that should finally provide meaningful proxy access. Under the proposal, shareowners holding (for at least one year) 1 percent of the shares of companies with market values exceeding $700 million would be able to have their nominees included on such a company’s proxy ballot. The smaller the company, the more shares that would have to be owned before such access would be provided. The SEC also proposed changes to its so-called “election exclusion” rule that would generally no longer allow a company to exclude shareowner proposals to amend the company's bylaws dealing with the nomination of directors from the company’s proxy materials. The Business Roundtable called the SEC’s action “an unprecedented preemption of state corporate law,” and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce was threatening a lawsuit even before the SEC acted. But Senator Chuck Schumer (D-NY) has also introduced legislation that, among other things, would confirm the SEC’s authority in this area.

On May 20th, the SEC, by a 3 to 2 party-line vote, proposed new amendments dealing with the difficult issue of proxy access. The last time the SEC visited the issue was in November of 2007, when -- again on a party-line vote – the then-Republican controlled SEC decided to effectively overturn the 2006 AFSCME v. AIG court ruling, under which investors could offer bylaw amendments that would establish procedures permitting shareowners to include in the corporate proxy materials their nominees for the board of directors. At the time, the then-Chairman of the SEC, Christopher Cox, promised to renew efforts to expand shareholder access during 2008, but the Commission did not take the subject again during his tenure.

Now, with Democrats in control of a majority of the 5-member Commission, the SEC has proposed a new Exchange Act Rule 14a-11. Under this new Rule, shareholders would be eligible to have their nominee included in the proxy materials of a "large accelerated filer" -- a company with a worldwide market value of $700 million or more -- or of a registered investment company with net assets of $700 million or more if the shareholders own at least 1 percent of the voting securities.

For companies that qualify as “accelerated filers”—a company with a worldwide market value of $75 million or more but less than $700 million – the shareholders would have to have at least 3 percent of the voting securities. Finally, for companies that are “non-accelerated filers -- a company with a worldwide market value of less than $75 million -- or a registered investment company with net assets of $75 million or more but less than $700 million, the shareholders would have to own at least 5 percent of the voting securities.

Shareholders would be able to aggregate holdings in order to meet the applicable thresholds, and would be required to have held their shares for at least one year. Furthermore, the nominating shareholder would be required to file with the Commission and submit to the company a new Schedule 14N, which would require disclosure of the amount and percentage of securities owned by the nominating shareholder, the length of ownership, and intent to continue to hold the securities through the date of the meeting. The new Schedule 14N would also require a certification that the nominating shareholder is not seeking to change the control of the company or to gain more than minority representation on the board of directors.

Shareholders would be limited as to the number of director nominees they could submit: no more than one shareholder nominee, or a number of nominees that represents up to 25 percent of the company's board of directors, whichever is greater.

With regard to the qualifications that a shareholder's nominee would be required to meet in order to be nominated, the person must satisfy “objective independence standards of the applicable national securities exchange or national securities association.” Furthermore, the nominating shareholder may have no direct or indirect agreement with the company regarding the nomination of the nominee.

The SEC also approved for comment amendments to its Rule 14a-8(i)(8), which currently allows companies to exclude shareholder proposals that "relate to an election." This rule was the subject of the AFSCME v. AIG court decision in 2006, when the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit found that AIG did not have the right to exclude AFSCME's shareholder proposal seeking proxy access in order to nominate directors.

AFSCME had argued that its shareholder proposal did not address a particular seat in a particular election, but rather, that its proposal simply set the background rules governing elections generally. In the past, the SEC would have agreed with AFSCME and denied AIG the ability to exclude the proposal, but the SEC staff had subsequently changed its position. The Court’s decision was based more on process than on the correct interpretation of the Rule; it found that this change in interpretation had not been handled appropriately by the SEC, which it said had a “duty to explain its departure from prior norms.")

As noted previously, the SEC effectively overturned this court ruling in 2007, and the SEC staff had begun to permit companies to exclude such proposals for the corporate proxy. The newly proposed amendment to this rule would stop those exclusions and once again permit shareholder proposals by qualifying shareholders that would amend a company's governing documents dealing with nomination procedures or other director nomination disclosure provisions, so long as those disclosure provisions don't conflict with the new proposed Rule 14a-11. Proxy access shareholder proposals would be subject to the same eligibility requirements as other shareholder proposals under Rule 14a-8, namely that the shareholder must hold at least $2,000 in market value or 1 percent of the company's shares for at least one year in order to be eligible to submit a proposal.

The SEC’s action has been praised by corporate governance proponents, with the Council of Institutional Investors’ Executive Director, Ann Yerger, saying that “This is a great day for shareowners.” Ms. Yerger said that “Access to the proxy would invigorate board elections and make boards more responsive to shareowners, more thoughtful about whom they nominate to serve as directors and more vigilant in their oversight of companies.” Joseph A. Dear, CII’s chair and CIO of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS), also commended the SEC for its action, pointing out that “The credit debacle represents a massive failure of oversight—by boards as well as by regulation,” and stressed that “Investors must have the tools to hold directors accountable so they will do a better job of monitoring and, if necessary, reining in management.”

However, others are not so pleased. In late April, anticipating that SEC action on proxy access was in the works, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce reportedly wrote to Chairman Shapiro, warning her that the SEC’s powers are limited to proxy disclosure rules. According to the letter, “No compelling reason exists to overturn the long-standing state law role in controlling the substantive rules regarding director election.” The letter also mentioned a recent Delaware statute that “leaves it to the corporation and its shareholders to resolve” the proxy-access debate, which the Chamber said “should give pause to any federal action.”

The Delaware reference is to several amendments to the Delaware General Corporation Law signed into law in early April. These amendments, which will go into effect on August 1, 2009, provide for changes in several key areas including the right of access to proxy solicitation materials and proxy expense reimbursement. However, while authorizing the adoption of bylaws addressing these issues, the Delaware statutes do not impose any requirements on corporations.

It is this area of state law preemption that opponents of the SEC action believe provides the new rule proposal with its Achilles’ Heel. The problem was perhaps best articulated by SEC Commissioner Troy Paredes (R), who cited it as his “fundamental concern” with the SEC’s action. Paredes said in his statement at the SEC open meeting at which the rules were proposed that “The proposal, especially proposed Rule 14a-11 dictating a direct right of access to the company’s proxy materials, encroaches far too much on internal corporate affairs, the traditional domain of state corporate law.”

In Paredes’ view, the proposal goes too far past the point of being about disclosure or even about the voting process. “Rather,” he believes, “the fundamental essence of the proposal is to realign corporate control at the federal level.” As he points out, even if a majority of a company’s shareholders determine that Rule 14a-11 is not in the firm’s best interests, the new proposed Rule “would nonetheless force the company’s shareholders into the Rule 14a-11 access regime, as shareholders cannot opt out of Rule 14a-11 by prohibiting access or by adopting eligibility requirements more restrictive than those of Rule 14a-11.” Furthermore, he notes that this is the case even when the board, “in compliance with its fiduciary duties,” chooses for the company not to be subject to Rule 14a-11.

Paredes uses the new Delaware statute to provide an example. Assume, he says, that the shareholders of “Delaware Corporation,” a large accelerated filer, adopt a proxy access bylaw pursuant to section 112 of the Delaware code, and that the bylaw requires that a nominating shareholder or group has beneficially owned at least three percent of Delaware Corp.’s shares for at least two years. “The interplay between state law and Rule 14a-11 would result in the substantive negation of the shareholder-approved bylaw, as the lower one-percent/one-year Rule 14a-11 eligibility requirements would, in effect, override the shareholder-approved three-percent/two-year requirements,” Paredes notes. “Put simply, the mandates of Rule 14a-11 not only work to displace private ordering and state law, but risk negating the import of a shareholder vote,” he concludes.

According to press reports, the Chamber of Commerce is already considering a legal challenge if the new rules are adopted. However, legislation introduced the day before the SEC’s action on proxy access may help prevent such a challenge from being successful. Specifically, Senator Chuck Schumer (D-NY) has introduced S. 1074, which provides a "Shareholder Bill of Rights" that would, among other things, instruct the SEC to issue rules specifically allowing shareholders to have access to the corporate proxy if they want to nominate directors to the board. Under the Schumer bill, which was coauthored by Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA), shareholders will have to have owned at least 1 percent of a public company’s shares for at least two years – a longer holding period than that contained in the SEC’s proposal.

The legislation would also provide shareholders with a "say on pay"—an advisory vote on executive compensation -- and would require that the chief executive job be separate from the chairman position, Directors would be required to receive at least 50 percent of the vote in uncontested elections, and “staggered” boards would be eliminated by requiring all directors to face re-election annually.

Finally, the bill would require that public companies create a “board risk committee.” According to Schumer and Cantwell, today the oversight of how companies manage their risks is most often a responsibility of the audit committee, which has enough responsibilities already without also having to focus on risk in their opinion. “By creating separate risk committees,” the two Senators note, “boards will never again be able to say that they did not understand the risks that the firms they oversee were taking.”

CalPERS and CII have both expressed support for the legislation, with CalPERS’ CIO saying in a letter to Senator Schumer that “Your legislation will enhance our ability to be active and prudent shareowners.” CII issued a press release saying that the bill “would go a long way toward making boards of directors and managers of public companies more accountable to shareowners” and that CII “welcomes Senator Schumer’s leadership on this important measure to strengthen investor protection.”

Public comments on these proposed rule amendments, which are expected to contain extensive questions, must be received by the Commission within 60 days after their publication in the Federal Register. This suggests that the SEC may want to be able to act on final rules in time for the 2010 proxy season.

(For a totally different view on shareholder rights, take a look at a recent paper on “The Legitimate Rights of Public Shareholders,” by Lawrence E. Mitchell, George Washington University - Law School. According to Mitchell, public shareholders do not, on net, contribute capital to finance industrial production, and in fact are net consumers of corporate equity. Moreover, Mitchell believes that he has developed empirical evidence that public investors’ investment incentives significantly distort the behavior of corporate managers who place strong emphasis on stock price at the expense of long-term business health. “The logical conclusion,” according to Mitchell, “is that public shareholders' rights should, ideally, be eliminated, and certainly not expanded or enhanced.”)

SEC News Release on Proxy Access Proposal
SEC Commissioner Paredes Statement on Proxy Access
Business Roundtable Statement on SEC Proxy Access Proposal
Schumer “Shareholder Bill of Rights”
Schumer/Cantwell Press Release
Mitchell Paper on Eliminating Shareholder Rights

Snapshots

“Snapshots” is a new feature of the NCTR Federal e-NEWS, intended to give you a very brief summary of an issue, event, or publication(s), and then provide links to appropriate back-up materials. This is not intended to replace the more in-depth analysis of issues which will continue to be the primary focus of the e-News, but will allow coverage of a larger number of issues of interest to NCTR members.

NCTR, NASRA, Other Public Sector Groups File Comments on IRS Pilot Public Plans Questionnaire, Survey Process

SEC Continues to Look at Credit Rating Agency Reform, CII Issues White Paper

SEC Wants Greater Control of Muni Bond Market While Municipalities Want the Feds to Help Fund a New Municipal Bond Insurance Company

Iran Divestment Bill Advances

New Administration Appointments of Interest to Public Plans

GPO/WEP Repeal Introduced, While Obama Administration Wants to Require States to Help with Collection Data

HELPS II Reintroduced; Would Expand $3,000 Public Safety Healthcare Benefit to All Public Employees

SEC Considers New "Pay-to-Play" Rules in Response to NY Placement Agent Controversy; NY AG Cuomo's Pension Code of Conduct is Talked About as Possible Federal Standard

Society of Actuaries Public Pension Finance Symposium Produces Wealth of Information on MVL

NCTR, NASRA, Other Public Sector Groups File Comments on IRS Pilot Public Plan Questionnaire, Survey Process

NCTR, NASRA and twelve other national organizations representing public employers and employees filed a joint comment letter in response to the IRS’ request for comments regarding its pilot questionnaire for governmental plans. The letter contains many of the same concerns that NCTR had expressed to the IRS during the development of the Questionnaire, and focuses on three specific areas: (1) the purpose for which the information will be used; (2) the scope of the information being requested; and (3) the methodology by which the information is being collected.

Underscoring the problems with the survey methodology is the fact that virtually no large public pension systems were apparently included in the pilot survey, thus suggesting that the results of the larger survey of about 250 plans which will follow will not be representative of the industry as a whole, given that the vast majority of public employees are covered by a relatively small percentage of all public plans. Also, serious problems with the manner in which the questionnaires were addressed have also come to light, again suggesting that responses might not be prepared by those best able to address the IRS questions. Nevertheless, the IRS continues to decline NCTR’s assistance in ensuring that the surveys are getting to their intending recipients. "

NCTR continues to believe that the IRS and Treasury should develop a more collaborative process and provide comprehensive and specific guidance for the governmental plans community before a compliance/enforcement process is undertaken. A meeting has been requested with Mark Iwry, the new Treasury Deputy Assistant for Retirement and Health Policy, to discuss public plan concerns in this regard.

Public Sector Comment Letter on IRS Pilot Governmental Plans Survey

SEC Continues to Look at Credit Rating Agency Reform; CII Issues White Paper

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is taking additional steps to address credit agency problems. For example, a roundtable was held at the SEC on April 15, 2009, to further explore needed reforms. Gregory Smith, general counsel of the Colorado Public Employees’ Retirement Association, appeared on a panel offering user perspectives, and discussed what have been identified by CII as two key areas for immediate further action: oversight and accountability.

CII, which published a “white paper” on this subject in April of 2009, recommended that Congress should create a new Credit Rating Agency Oversight Board (CRAOB) with the power to regulate rating agency practices, including disclosure, conflicts of interest, and rating methodologies, as well as the ability to coordinate the reduction of reliance on ratings. Alternatively, the paper suggested that Congress could enhance the authority of the SEC by granting it similar power to oversee the rating business. The paper also proposed that Congress should eliminate the effective exemption of rating agencies from liability and make rating agencies more accountable by treating them the same as banks, accountants, and lawyers.

SEC Roundtable on Credit Rating Agencies
CII White Paper on Credit Rating Agencies

SEC Wants Greater Control of Muni Bond Market While Municipalities Want the Feds to Help Fund a New Municipal Bond Insurance Company

An SEC official has reportedly announced that the Commission is thinking about obtaining greater authority over the municipal bond market. According to the National Association of State Auditors, Comptrollers and Treasurers (NASACT), Mary N. Simpkins, the senior special counsel of the Securities and Exchange Commission’s Office of Municipal Securities, told the Council of Infrastructure Financing Authorities Federal Policy Conference recently that the SEC will be “aggressively” looking to improve the operations of the municipal market.

The SEC says it wants greater control of municipal accounting standards; increased regulation of market intermediaries; and the ability to change the composition of the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board (MSRB) – which currently has two-thirds of it 15 members made up of bank and securities dealers – to make it into a more independent self-regulator.

In order to do so, the SEC would have to convince Congress to repeal the so-called Tower Amendment, which prevents the SEC (as well as the MSRB) from directly or indirectly requiring muni issuers to file documents with them before their securities are sold. There are rumors that the SEC may be seeking information from public pensions regarding the manner in which plans’ funded status is disclosed and used in connection with disclosure documents prepared by bond issuers in order to potentially bolster their arguments in favor of expanded jurisdiction in this area. The SEC may also ask Congress to give them the authority to regulate the muni market directly, such as subjecting municipal securities to SEC registration requirements.

In the meantime, the National League of Cities (NLC) and the National Association of Counties (NACo) are considering a Blue Ribbon Commission Report on Municipal Credit Enhancement recommendation that they investigate the feasibility of creating a new mutual credit enhancement company owned and operated by local governments. The purpose of the company would be to improve the availability and affordability of municipal bond insurance. The report also called upon the Federal government to support the creation of the company by providing start-up capital, a Federal guarantee, or reinsurance. In addition, public pension plans are being considered as possible investors.

Supporters of the concept claim that an unintended but positive benefit of such a new entity would be that it will encourage good financial behavior and promote the adoption of best practices. However, it looks like the SEC has other plans to assure such “positive” results.

Report of the Blue Ribbon Commission on Municipal Credit Enhancement
NLC Preliminary Business Plan for Issuers Mutual Bond Assurance Company

Iran Divestment Bill Advances

At the end of April, the House Financial Services Committee approved the Iran Sanctions Enabling Act, H.R. 1327. The legislation, which is thus cleared for consideration by the full House, is intended to support the decision of State and local governments and educational institutions to divest from, and to prohibit the investment of assets they control in, persons that : (1) have investments of more than $20 million in Iran's energy sector; (2) provide Iran with tankers for oil or liquefied natural gas or with products for oil or liquefied natural gas pipelines; or (3) extend at least $20 million in credit to be used in Iran’s energy sector.

The bill -- authored by the Committee’s Chairman, Barney Frank (D-MA) with 177 cosponsors -- is similar to legislation enacted last year to enable divestment from firms investing in certain sectors in Sudan, and sets specific standards by which state and local governments may divest. For example, it requires advance written notice to persons to which the measure is intended to be applied; provides that such persons have the opportunity to demonstrate that they do not engage in the investment activities related to Iran’s energy sector; and requires written notice to the Department of Justice within 30 days of enactment of divestment legislation pursuant to this Act.

A similar bill sponsored by Mr. Frank was passed by the full House in the last Congress, but was not taken up in the Senate. A Senate companion measure, which never got out of Committee, was sponsored by then-Senator Barack Obama.

Summary of Iran Divestment Bill
Text of H.R. 1327

New Administration Appointments of Interest to Public Plans

Phyllis C. Borzi has been nominated to be the Assistant Secretary of Labor for Employee Benefits Security. Ms. Borzi’s appointment is significant to public plans not because the Department of Labor has jurisdiction over governmental systems – at least for now -- but because she will be an important voice within the Obama Administration on retirement security reform.

Ms. Borzi is familiar to many in the public sector, having served as pension and employee benefit counsel for the House Subcommittee on Labor-Management Relations of the Committee on Education and Labor; she was on the Committee staff for 16 years. While there, Ms. Borzi was influential in the development of both PERISA, a proposal to effectively extend ERISA to public plans, as well as PEPPRA (the Public Employee Pension Plan Reporting and Accountability Act), which would have created extensive federal reporting and disclosure for State and local government plans.

While a friend of public pensions and a supporter of DB plans, Ms. Borzi’s past association with PERISA and PEPPRA proposals makes some people nervous. As States make the hard choices they will need to make in the next several years to deal with the impact of the recent market downturn on pension funding, some fear that this could resurrect calls for Federal protections if employee groups think such efforts are unfair.

President Obama has also named Mark Iwry as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tax Policy for Retirement and Health Policy, a new position at Treasury. Mr. Iwry will also serve as special counsel to Treasury Secretary Geithner. Mr. Iwry’s is also a familiar face to the public pension community from his days as Benefits Tax Counsel at the Treasury Department during the Clinton Administration from 1995 to 2001. Mark’s service as Benefits Tax Counsel coincided with some of the public pension community’s greatest successes with regard to problems with the Internal Revenue Code, including the long-sought changes to Section 415; the permanent moratorium from the Federal nondiscrimination rules; 457 plan trust provisions; and 415(n) purchase of service credit changes.

While a supporter of public sector DB plans, Mr. Iwry has also been a very vocal advocate of automatic enrollment-based savings initiatives, and the Obama Administration’s focus on DC plan enhancements is in large part thought to be thanks to Mark’s influence. As the national debate on reforming retirement security advances, Mr. Iwry will be a major player in the discussions. His knowledge of the way in which the public sector retirement systems operate, and his close working relationships with many in our community should be a real plus in this regard. Hopefully, he will also be able to bring his knowledge of the public sector to bear in connection with the IRS governmental plans initiative and be supportive of increased guidance as a prerequisite to compliance.

GPO/WEP Repeal Introduced, While Obama Administration Wants to Require States to Help with Collection Data

Congressman Howard Berman (D-CA) has once again introduced legislation to repeal the Government Pension Offset (GPO) and the Windfall Elimination Provision (WEP). His legislation, H.R. 235, already has 282 cosponsors as of May 22, 2009; a Senate companion measure, S. 484, has also been reintroduced by Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), and it currently has 27 cosponsors. However, even though the same legislation was eventually cosponsored by 352 House Members in the last Congress, it did not receive consideration by the full House.

The biggest problem for the legislation continues to be its cost, estimated to reach more than $60 billion over 10 years, and the current bill is also not expected to be given serious consideration until an overhaul of the Social Security System is undertaken. However, given the state of many American’s 401(k) retirement, and the impact that the recession has had on the estimate for Social Security solvency, such reform could actually be on the table in the foreseeable future.

In the meantime, as previously reported, the Obama Administration has in fact included in its budget a proposal to establish a mandatory system for collecting data on pension income from non-covered State and local employment. According to the budget documents, the purpose is to eliminate the current “self-reporting burden on individuals” and improve payment accuracy.

Text of H.R. 235

HELPS II Reintroduced; Would Expand $3,000 Public Safety Healthcare Benefit to all Public Employees

As anticipated, Congressman Joe Crowley (D-NY) has reintroduced his proposal to extend the so-called “HELPS I” $3,000 healthcare benefit contained in the Pension Protection Act of 2006 (PPA) to all public employees. The legislation, H.R. 1413, would extend eligibility for the benefit, currently limited to retired public safety officers only; (2) provide for a tax deduction of such distributions rather than an exclusion from gross income; (3) allow nonitemizing taxpayers to claim such tax deduction; and (4) allow an annual inflation adjustment to the $3,000 limit beginning after 2009. The bill currently has two cosponsors. It has been referred to the House Ways and Means Committee where no hearings have yet been held or scheduled.

While eligibility for the benefit would no longer be dependent upon the pension plan making the direct payment of the healthcare premium to the provider, thus removing a tremendous administrative burden that has befallen many plans who have implemented HELPS I, it is unclear what recordkeeping, if any, would still be required of the retirement plan under HELPS II. Furthermore, some reviewers of the legislation have noted that “public safety officer” and “public school personnel” are defined separately from “public employee.” It is not clear if the purpose is to provide the tax advantage to public safety and school personnel outside the public sector (e.g., for chartered schools).

Text of H.R. 1413Text of H.R. 1413

SEC Considers New "Pay-To-Play" Rules in Response to NY Placement Agent Controversy; NY AG Cuomo's Pension Code of Conduct is Talked About as Possible Federal Standard

In late April, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) announced that it is considering adopting rules to restrict money managers from making payments in order to obtain state business, often referred to as “pay-to-play.” This announcement was made in connection with the ongoing investigations involving private-equity firms and hedge funds allegedly making illegal payments to placement agents in order to win business with New York public pension funds. Specifically, SEC Chairman Mary Shapiro said that her agency is re-examining a 1999 proposal that would have barred investment advisers from managing state pension funds if they donated to elected officials involved in awarding adviser contracts.

In the meantime, some jurisdictions are moving to ban the use of third party placement agents. But such bans raise concerns for some. For example, Michael Travaglini, the executive director of the Massachusetts Pension Reserves Investment Management Board, is quoted as saying “There’s a legitimate place for placement agents.” Others, such as Stephen Schwarzman, chairman and chief executive officer of Blackstone Group, believe that a ban would have a disproportionately adverse impact on small-size investment funds, women-controlled funds, minority-owned funds, and startup funds, which need an “advocate” to help get them noticed by institutional investors.

Elsewhere, plans are adopting new disclosure policies to address the issue. For example, the California Public Employees Retirement System (CalPERS) recently adopted a new policy with regard to the disclosure of placement agent fees. The CalPERS policy sets forth the circumstances under which the plan will require the disclosure of payments to placement agents in connection with CalPERS’ investments in or through external managers. Others have policies dealing with placement agents already in place.

But the latest approach is the “Public Pension Plan Reform Code of Conduct” that New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo developed as part of his settlement with private-equity firm Carlyle Group. The New York State Teachers Retirement System has just adopted this code, and will ban investment in any new fund or the engagement of any investment manager in any new assignment, where the fund or manager uses a placement agent or other intermediary for the purpose of interacting or communicating with the System to obtain an introduction of the fund or manager to the System or obtain the System's investment in the fund or engagement of the manager.

There is even talk that the SEC is looking at the Cuomo code as part of its action plans in this area. If so, this could represent a watershed event for all involved. Is it better to have a uniform Federal standard in this area, or should States and their individual plans be left with the flexibility to make their own judgments? How does this compare with your view regarding State prerogatives and proxy access?

CalPERS Policy on Disclosure of Placement Agent fees
NYSTRS Statement on Adopting Cuomo Code of Conduct
Cuomo Public Pension Fund Reform Code of Conduct (begins on page 24)

Society of Actuaries Public Pension Finance Symposium Produces Wealth of Information on MVL

The Society of Actuaries (SOA) issued a call for papers in 2008 seeking a wide variety of perspectives on the measurement of public pension plan liabilities and related issues. More than 20 papers were submitted, and the SOA held a Public Pension Finance Symposium in Chicago May 18-19, 2009, to hear these papers presented. Topics included the application of financial economics to public pensions; the use of traditional actuarial methods; alternative methods to measure risk in public pensions; risk profiles of public pension plans; and intergenerational equity issues within public pensions.

Presenters included actuaries and others supporting the public pension community’s views on these issues, including Paul Zorn and Norm Jones with GRS, and Paul Angelo with Segal. Proponents of MVL were also present, including Jeremy Gold. These papers provide a wealth of information that will be useful as you consider the GASB ITC discussed in a feature story in this issue of E-News.

Links to SOA Papers