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Federal E-News
March/April/May 2009
NCTR's Federal e-News provides important information
on the issues and events in Washington, D.C. that may impact NCTR
members. For more
information, contact Leigh Snell, NCTR's Director of Federal Relations,
at (540) 333-1015 or by email at: lsnell@nctr.org.
GASB
Issues Invitation to Comment on Possible Revisions to Governmental
Plan Accounting and Reporting Standards
The Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB) has taken the
next step in its Post-Employment Benefits project by releasing an “Invitation
to Comment” (ITC) on possible changes to GASB Statements 25
and 27. These two GASB statements provide standards for accounting
and reporting on the pension benefits that governments provide to
their employees. Depending on the outcome of this project, GASB’s
rules could be changed to require governmental plans to disclose
the value of their liabilities using a risk-free rate of return,
often referred to as the market value of liabilities (MVL) approach.
In addition to the MVL issue, GASB is seeking input on other very
important subjects including the range of actuarial cost methods
that are permitted to be used; amortization issues; and asset smoothing.
Comments are due by July 31, 2009, and NCTR is working with NASRA
to develop a joint response to this critically important challenge.
All NCTR members are urged to become involved ASAP.
Since 2006, GASB has been conducting a research project examining
the effectiveness of its accounting and reporting standards for
public pensions and OBEB benefits, which have now been in place
for more
than ten years. The ITC explains the major issues that have been
identified in this review process, discusses possible approaches
to address them, and then asks for input from the public.
As GASB explains it, the goal of this review is to “improve
accountability, or the transparency of financial reporting.” This
would include improving the information provided to help financial
report users “assess the degree to which interperiod equity
has been achieved.” By interperiod equity, GASB means that
a government is covering the costs of providing services with resources
raised during the period in which the services were provided, and
not shifting costs to future periods.
GASB also wants to improve the usefulness of information that the
various users of financial reports of governmental employers and
pension or OPEB plans need for their decision-making processes.
That is, GASB wants to be sure that the information that is provided
proves
to be useful to the public and other users of governmental reports
for making such decisions as “whether to buy a government’s
bonds, where to purchase a home or send a child to school, how to
vote on a school budget or municipal bond referendum, or how to allocate
scarce resources in a budget,” in GASB’s words.
Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the GASB project deals
with the possible requirement that a governmental plan must value
and
report its liabilities based on their “market value.” That
is, plans’ investment return assumptions would have to employ
a risk-free rate instead of an estimated long-term rate of return
based on expected investments. This MVL approach would not recognize
future salary growth or accrual of future retirement benefits,
and would ignore asset smoothing.
As NCTR has previously argued in formal communications with the
American Academy of Actuaries and the Actuarial Standards Board,
the use of
MVL (1) could lead to the disclosure of plan costs and liabilities
that do not accurately represent the dynamics of governmental plans
and are therefore unnecessarily high; (2) could lead to the application
of investment approaches that would unnecessarily limit the asset
allocation and investments returns that can be earned by plans;
and (3) would create confusion among decisions-makers, taxpayers,
and
the media about the funded levels of public pension plans, potentially
leading to their disuse or abandonment.
GASB’s decisions on the MVL issue are therefore certainly critical
ones for public plans. However, the GASB review also raises a number
of other very important questions regarding governmental plan accounting
and disclosure that, depending on the manner in which GASB ultimately
decides to address them, could present other significant challenges
to public pensions’ future viability.
For example, at the very heart of GASB’s examination of
the overall process is the fundamental issue of what should be
the
focus of pension reporting. Specifically, GASB is trying to decide
if pension
financial reporting should focus on the process by which an employer
incurs an obligation to employees to provide pension benefits
in retirement, rather than following the current approach, which
looks
at the annual pension contributions an employer needs to make
on a regular basis in order to pay the normal cost and amortize
the
unfunded accrued benefit obligation within an acceptable number
of years.
If GASB were to change the focus from financing to incurrence,
many believe that it would fundamentally alter the future of
defined benefit
plans. That is, advocates of the current GASB approach believe
that switching to the incurrence method would focus on the short
term,
(i.e., on benefits accrued to date, and not benefits that are
projected to be accrued), thus ignoring the ongoing nature of
State and local
governments. This short-term focus, which is inconsistent with
current public plan funding methods, would favor the MVL methodology
and
could create confusion for users of pension financial reports.
GASB is also looking at what the measures should be for the recognition
of employers’ pension liabilities and expenses. Currently,
GASB views a pension liability as the shortfall in the Annual
Required Contribution (ARC), with the ARC being the expense.
GASB is thinking
about alternative approaches that would look instead at the unfunded
accrued benefit obligation as the liability.
Changes to GASB’s current approach in this area, some believe,
could mean that the total costs of pensions over the long term
would not be accurately reflected. However, there are those who
believe
that changes should be made because the current system fails
to adequately reflect the effects of retroactive benefit enhancements.
Another area under review is the manner in which the potential
impact of future changes in benefits are incorporated into actuarial
calculations.
Specifically, GASB is considering requiring future automatic
cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), ad hoc COLAs, projected service
credits and
future salary growth to be included in a plan’s unfunded
accrued benefit obligation. Changes here could mean that the
focus would
be on liabilities incurred to date, and that calculating the
unfunded accrued benefit obligation based on future service and
salary would
no longer be appropriate.
Actuarial cost methods used to determine the employer’s
unfunded accrued benefit obligation are also under reconsideration.
For
example, GASB is trying to decide if it should reduce the number
of acceptable
actuarial cost methods that governments may choose from (there
are currently six), and if so, which method(s) should be kept,
or if
it should keep all the present methods and perhaps even add more.
Then there is the issue of amortization. GASB is rethinking its
current approach, which allows unfunded accrued benefit obligations
to be
amortized over a period as long as 30 years. GASB wants to know
if the maximum amortization period should instead be over the
average remaining service period for employees, or if applying
different
periods to different parts of the pension cost would be preferable.
It is even asking if it should require the immediate recognition
of all pension costs.
Turning to the area of valuation of assets, GASB is considering
if asset smoothing should continue to be allowed, and if so,
whether it should be over a specified period set by GASB, or
if the time
frame should be left up to governments and their plans to determine.
GASB is also asking whether it should impose accounting and reporting
standards on participating employers in cost-sharing multiple-employer
pension plans that are different from those applied to single-employer
and agent multiple-employer plans. Finally, GASB is trying to
decide if governmental plans should recognize the accrued benefit
obligation
in their financial statements, and if they should provide an
annual statement of changes in unfunded accrued benefit obligations.
For these and other issue areas that GASB is examining, the ITC
presents a range of views, as well as some pro and con arguments
that could
be made in connection with these views. The ITC then asks specific
questions on which it is seeking public comment. The deadline
for such comments is July 31, 2009. GASB will also be holding
a public
hearing on August 26, 2009, on the ITC; the deadline to request
to testify is also July 31st. There will then be a period of
time for
GASB to reflect, and sometime in the middle of 2010, GASB will
take the next step in the process, which could be to offer their
preliminary
views, or to actually present an exposure draft.
The NCTR/NASRA Joint Task Force on MVL has already met to discuss
the issue, and the two associations will be working together
to craft a response. One approach under consideration is to prepare
a statement
that could be made available for individual plans to join, as
was
done in connection with the Actuarial Standards Board’s
request for comments regarding Actuarial Standards of Practice
No. 27 last
July. That effort obtained the signatures of 72 plan administrators.
However, it must be remembered that this letter focused solely
on the MVL issue, where there is widespread consensus on the
problems that MVL would create for governmental plans. While
there may also
be such consensus on many of the other important areas that are
the
subject of the ITC, it is critically important that such common
ground be identified and agreed upon ASAP.
Therefore, please make every effort to review the ITC expeditiously
and provide NCTR with your input (and/or your questions) as soon
as possible. The document itself may appear intimidating, but
there is a very good “Plain Language Supplement” to the ITC
prepared by GASB that is very helpful in understanding the basis
for the ITC’s requests. A summary prepared by Paul Zorn with
Gabriel, Roeder, Smith is also a good resource, as is a shorter summary
prepared by Stephen J. Gauthier with the Government Finance Officers
Association (GFOA). (If, on the other hand, you can’t get enough
information on these topics and their implications, be sure to check
out the “Snapshot” item in this issue of E-News discussing
the recent Society of Actuaries Symposium in Chicago. You will
find links to 20 papers on a range of topics, including MVL,
that relate
to the GASB project.)
NCTR and NASRA will be posting additional information concerning
the ITC to our respective websites. Also, please keep in mind
that GASB views plans themselves primarily as preparers of information,
while it sees trustees and plan boards as users of such information.
Therefore, comment letters may have more impact if they are seen
as coming from plan board chairs, trustees and other users of
plan
disclosures. Finally, the more information that is provided at
the outset of this process, and the more questions that can be
raised
now, the better. GASB will be less likely to be sympathetic to
considering these at later stages in the process if they have
not been identified
now. Furthermore, as each stage in GASB’s consideration
is completed, there will likely be fewer alternatives to consider
going forward and more and more viewpoints will become “locked
in.” So
now is the time to engage!"
There is probably nothing in the foreseeable future with the potential
to have a greater impact on governmental plans – for better
or for worse – than this GASB review of our accounting and
reporting standards. The fact that GASB has decided to follow an “invitation
to comment” approach, which makes their review process longer
and more complex, reflects the seriousness which they attribute to
this review and the significance of any potential changes they may
decide to make. So far, our community’s responses to the initial
skirmishes on the subject of MVL appear to have generally been successful.
But the GASB effort represents the ultimate challenge. Let’s
be sure not to win the battles but lose the war.
GASB Invitation to Comment
GASB ITC Plain Language Supplement
NCTR/NASRA Joint Statement on MVL
GRS Review of GASB ITC
GFOA Review of GASB ITC (see p. 2)
Feds
Reverse Themselves on Withholding Tables, but Create Even More
Problems with Proposed Solution
The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) has now decided that pension
plans’ use of new withholding tables reflecting the “Making
Work Pay” tax credit could indeed create under-withholding
problems for many retirees – as they were advised in February
by NCTR and others. However, instead of simply permitting plans
to revert to the use of the old withholding tables, the IRS has
provided new withholding adjustment procedures that pension plans,
at their option, can choose to implement in an effort to try to “put
the toothpaste back in the tube.” The new procedures will
be costly and time-consuming for many plans to implement, and trying
to explain this latest twist will also be expensive and even more
confusing to retirees who flooded call centers when the first changes
in withholding were made. As a result, some plans are considering
doing nothing more in connection with this mess and relying instead
on IRS promises to conduct a “wider outreach campaign to
educate pensioners and other taxpayers about the withholding tables.”
Following complaints from employee groups, including AFSCME, and
retiree organizations such as the NRTA, AARP’s educator community
-- as well as inquiries from Capitol Hill and increasing press
coverage of the potential impact of under-withholding on retirees
-- the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) announced on May 14th that
it had decided pension plans could choose a new procedure to address
the potential under-withholding problems created by Publication
15-Tt.
The problem was that the new withholding tables, which took effect
April 1st, incorporated the new “Making Work Pay Tax Credit,” one
of the key provisions of the massive American Recovery and Reinvestment
Act that became law early in 2009. The idea was to provide an immediate
economic stimulus by increasing taxpayers’ take-home pay.
However, pension payments are not considered “earned income” and
thus do not qualify for the credit. Therefore, for some retirees,
public and private, who only received such income, the new withholding
tables would likely result in under-withholding. This in turn could
mean these retirees might unexpectedly owe taxes next year, or
even possibly penalties.
NCTR notified the Treasury Department in February about this problem,
and officials there agreed that “Because pension income is
not subject to the new credit, using the new tables will increase
the likelihood that pension recipients will owe taxes (and possibly
penalties) at the end of the year.” NCTR also helped alert
participant organizations and retiree groups to the issue. However,
the IRS decided that permitting pension plans to use the old withholding
tables in Publication 15 would be confusing and ignored these expressions
of concern.
Consequently, many public plans spent thousands of dollars revising
their systems to accommodate the new tables, and then even more
monies in connection with notices to retirees advising them of
the reason for the withholding change and the possible need to
make changes in their W-4P withholding forms. Plan call centers
were then swamped with inquiries from confused retirees.
The IRS itself also began to hear from plan participant and retiree
organizations, who also contacted Capitol Hill to alert them to
the impending problem. The media began to run stories on the potential
impact on retirees as well. For example, in early April, the Columbus
Dispatch ran a piece that noted that while Americans are getting
more money in their paychecks and pension payments thanks to a
new tax change in the Federal stimulus package, “but retirees
beware: A little-publicized quirk could lead to a nasty surprise
at tax time next year.” CNN also picked up the story.
However, when the IRS decided to make the change, it did not consult
with pension plans. Also, it refused to advise NCTR about any details
concerning a possible change in this policy despite repeated calls
to the agency. As a result, the new “cure” is in many
ways worse than the original problem itself. Instead of permitting
plans to simply revert to the old withholding tables in Publication
15 that were replaced by the new withholding tables in Publication
15-T -- which would have been a relatively easy switch for most
plans – the IRS produced new withholding tables which are “to
be used only in conjunction with the withholding tables found in
Publication 15-T.” These new tables provide additional withholding
amounts which, according to the IRS, provide “an approximate
offset for the withholding reduction” that was included in
the new tables that jiust went into effect. Clear as mud?
Unfortunately, given that some under-withholding has already probably
occurred, a simple reversion to the old tables would likely not
completely offset the damage. In order to return an individual
retiree to the position he/she would have been in
prior to the original
change, some over-withholding may now be necessary. Hence, the apparent
need for yet a new withholding table.
As noted, the use of the new tables is optional. Based on the additional
time, cost and confusion it would entail, some plans are already
deciding not to make the change. Here is how one NCTR system director
of a relatively small plan explained it: “The change to the
new tax tables in March caused considerable concern among our retired
members, which resulted in hundreds of calls and numerous new tax
withholding filings. We are now preparing to send another targeted
mailing to our retirees to provide further updates, which will
likely generate more calls. A rough estimate of the additional
cost incurred, including the upcoming mailing, is around $20,000.
This includes staff time, postage and miscellaneous items such
as paper stock for the mailings, etc. Frankly, if we included compensation
for the ‘pain and suffering’ of our retired members
as they struggle to understand what this means to them, the cost
would be significantly higher. It is not an overstatement to state
that the confusion surrounding this issue had had a negative impact
on our most vulnerable population.”
The IRS claims that it is committed to helping address the confusion
that their original decision has created. For example, the IRS
says that they are “gearing up for a wider outreach campaign
to educate pensioners and other taxpayers about the withholding
tables and Recovery payments.” The IRS has also promised
that it “will work with partner groups to provide taxpayers
information to make sure they have the appropriate withholding
for their situation,” and will also “work on developing
a variety of information products, including brochures, video and
audio material to help educate taxpayers.” NCTR will be contacting
the IRS to learn more about these IRS efforts to determine if they
can be useful to our member systems.
Regardless how your plan decides to deal with this latest turn,
there will likely still be problems next year at tax time. NCTR
will be using this experience as an example with both Congress
and the Treasury Department of how costly and unfortunate the IRS
refusal to work closely with pension systems can be. It would therefore
be very helpful, if you haven’t already done so, to provide
us with your experiences with this program, particularly any cost
figures that you may have developed.
IRS Announcement on New Withholding Option for Pension Plans
Columbus Dispatch Article on Under-Withholding Problem
Financial
Markets Reform: Public Plans Weigh in as Overall Process Continues
to Evolve
Both Congressional Democrats and the Obama Administration remain
committed to major reform of the capital markets. However, the
shape of that reform effort and its likely timetable are all very
much in flux. In the meantime, the Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC) and the Congress are moving on a number of important market-related
matters, including proxy access and credit rating agency reform.
An ad hoc group of public pension plans has weighed in with a statement
of principles concerning financial market reform that provides
their view of what the framework for more effective regulation
of the global financial markets should look like. The statement
also cautions against placing restrictions on the investment options
available to public plans. This same group has also expressed strong
support for the SEC and its continued role as the primary advocate
for investors, but the Obama Administration’s reported plans
for a new “consumer protection” agency as part of market
reform could present problems in this regard.
Convinced that reform of the current regulatory structure of the
financial markets must be accomplished in order to prevent another
economic crisis from occurring, the House and Senate as well as
the Obama Administration continue to work on the details of what
could be a massive restructuring of the current system of Federal
market controls. Promising sweeping reforms of the financial system,
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner was recently quoted as saying
that “We’re going to have to bring about a lot of changes
to the basic framework of oversight, so there’s better enforcement,” and
that this will “require simplifying, consolidating this enormously
complicated, segmented structure.”
Federal Reserve Board Chairman Ben Bernanke has also said that
it is necessary to develop a strategy that regulates the financial
system as a whole, “in a holistic way, not just its individual
components.” While strong and effective regulation and supervision
of banking institutions is necessary for reducing systemic risk,
Bernanke believes that such reforms would not be sufficient by
themselves.
But the outlines of the overall reform effort continue to evolve.
For example, much of the early discussion focused on the creation
of a “systemic risk” regulator and the merging of several
of the current regulatory agencies. Generally, by “systemic
risk,” most commentators seem to be referring to the effects
created by the inability of the current financial regulatory system
to adequately oversee large and interconnected financial institutions;
the fact that some of today’s financial activities and institutions
are not subject to oversight and /or control by the current system’s
financial regulators; and the impact of market innovations that
have created new and complex financial products that the current
regulatory system was simply not designed to regulate, such as
credit default swaps (CDS).
It was initially thought that the job of regulator of these systemic
risks would best be entrusted to the Federal Reserve. However,
based on what many saw as the Fed’s failure to adequately
oversee the AIG bailout, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher
Dodd (D-CT) and House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney
Frank (D-MA) have both suggested that this may no longer be their
view. Instead, there has been some discussion that the job should
be given to a council or committee of existing regulators. For
example, SEC Commissioner Luis Aguilar (D) recently outlined such
a possible approach with an empowered, appropriately funded SEC
as a key participant.
As Commissioner Aguilar warned in an April 17th speech, "systemic
risk" and its regulation must not be so centered on preserving
the viability of institutions that are "too big to fail" that
it produces a financial regulatory model “that focuses on
institutions, not investors, and positions a government regulator
to pick winners and losers among companies at the expense of investors
and market certainty.” Aguilar argues that systemic risk
regulation should instead “focus on ensuring the continuation
of systemically important market functions, and on investor protections.” It
must, he said, “pro-actively regulate” to prevent institutions
from being too big to fail in the first place. “This regulation
[of systemic risk] must do more than set prudential standards,” Aguilar
believes.
Another alternate that some are considering is a “hybrid” approach
-- in which there would be a single regulator for systemically
significant firms coupled with a systemic risk council to provide “macro-prudential
oversight of risk.” This is a proposal that has been floated
by Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) Chairman Sheila
Bair and recently received support from SEC Chairman Mary Shapiro. “Given
the various components of effective financial regulation,” Ms.
Shapiro recently told the Investment Company Institute (ICI), “I
have long been concerned about excessive concentration of power
-- which really means excessive concentration of point of view
-- in a single regulator.”
Chairman Shapiro said she envisioned a new system of financial
regulation that would include (1) an entity responsible for the
regulation of the markets for investment capital; (2) an entity
(or entities) responsible for regulating banking institutions;
(3) an entity responsible for monitoring and averting risks to
the financial system as a whole, and (4) an entity responsible
for resolution of troubled institutions. In her view, the SEC is
the clear choice for the capital markets regulator. “Capital
markets regulation is of a single piece,” she said. “Splitting
it into smaller pieces, I strongly believe, would be a disaster.”
Most recently, State financial regulators (the North American Securities
Administrators Association, the Conference of State Bank Supervisors,
and the National Association of Insurance Commissioners) joined
the debate. They have put their support behind a systemic-risk
council that would include all Federal and state banking, insurance
and securities regulators, and urged that a single agency should
not be made responsible for systemic risk. They believe that such
a council's power should be limited to making recommendations to
those regulators, and that the authority of existing functional
regulators should remain intact.
Nevertheless, as recently as May 8th, the Obama Administration
underscored its support for a new systemic risk regulator, and
continued to press its view that the job should be given to the
Federal Reserve. Indeed, many think that the White House will send
a proposal to Capitol Hill in June to do just that.
But will it fly? Some think that “systemic-risk” authority
will simply be divided up among the existing regulatory authorities,
and that there will be no single agency in charge. Others believe
that there will indeed be a new regulator – in all likelihood
the Fed because it is felt that the systemic-risk regulator has
to be able to control the ability to lend in on emergency basis
to institutions that are in crisis. However, it may not be all-powerful. “I
suspect we’ll end up with a systemic-risk regulator, but
with lots of functional regulators who will try to figure out whose
job it is to do what,” according to Annette Nazareth, a former
SEC Commissioner. As for the “hybrid” idea suggested
by Bair, Shapiro and others, the Obama Administration is reportedly
not supportive of the concept of a council because of the difficulty
of getting decisions made in such a setting.
And what of the fate of the SEC? Its Chairman is certainly pressing
to maintain and revitalize an independent SEC. Ms. Shapiro believes
that there should be one agency of government “focused single-mindedly
and without dilution on the well-being of America's investors,” and
that the SEC has built expertise and a culture of investor protection
that should be preserved and maintained. She says that “I
will do whatever I can to make sure that the interests of investors
are preserved in the debate on regulatory reform.”
The possibility that the SEC -– or certain of its functions
-- would be merged with other regulatory agencies was originally
seen as a likely outcome of regulatory reform. However, more recently,
this approach appeared to have been losing some steam, with Chairman
Shapiro pursuing an aggressive agenda for the SEC, which she said “will
be one of the most active rulemaking periods in the Commission's
history.”
But the most recent rumors are that the Obama Administrations’ latest
market reform proposals, expected to be released shortly, will
indeed propose stripping the SEC of some of its powers. Reportedly,
the Fed may inherit some of them. Other functions would go to other
bodies, including a new “consumer protection” agency,
which would be charged with policing mortgages and other “consumer-oriented” financial
products including mutual funds, which are currently the SEC’s
responsibility. Such a move could seriously deplete the SEC’s
staffing and other resources.
However, the SEC has its supporters, and such an effort will be
strongly contested. For example, in early May, an ad hoc group
of public pension plans wrote in support of the SEC to both the
House Financial Services Committee as well as the Senate Banking
Committee. In their letter, the fourteen plans expressed their
support for the new SEC Chairman, strongly urging that the SEC “must
have the independence, robust regulatory authority, staffing, and
budgetary resources necessary to effectively fulfill its unique
mission of investor protection.”
In response to the recent rumors that the SEC could be effectively
abolished or seriously diminished in an Administration reform proposal,
this ad hoc group immediately wrote to Secretary Geithner, asking
him “in the most forceful terms possible” that the
SEC not be diminished. “In the wake of recent market events,
it is difficult to imagine a more compelling need for a strong,
independent regulator with a proven record of expertise and experience
to oversee and advocate the interests of investor protection,” the
pension funds wrote in their May 21st letter.
This ad hoc group had also previously developed a set of “Principles
of Financial Regulation Reform” that are intended to serve
as a framework for more effective regulation of global financial
markets. Specifically, the group believes that the “Re-establishment
of the SEC’s role as a voice and protector of investors is
overdue and critical.” The group also stressed that “Regulatory
changes need to recognize that investor protections must be tailored
to the type of investor and type of investment product, rather
than a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach.”
The key elements of the principles are: greater disclosure and
transparency; true regulatory independence; an increased and effective
shareowner voice in the capital markets; earlier identification
by regulators of issues that give rise to overall market risk that
threaten global markets; and the preservation of institutional
investors’ freedom to invest in the full range of investment
opportunities. The Council of Institutional Investors (CII) has
also recently officially endorsed this set of principles.
The ad hoc public sector investors group includes the California
Public Employees’ Retirement System; the California State
Teachers’ Retirement System; the Connecticut State Treasurer;
the Colorado Public Employees’ Retirement Association; the
Los Angeles City Employees’ Retirement System; the Los Angeles
County Employees’ Retirement System; the Los Angeles Fire
and Police Pensions; the Maryland State Treasurer; the New York
State Common Retirement Fund; the Ohio Public Employees Retirement
System; the State Universities Retirement System of Illinois; and
the State of Wisconsin Investment Board.
So there is much that is happening in Washington of great importance
to institutional investors, including public pension plans. While
reform of the capital markets is the primary focus on Capitol Hill,
the SEC is moving aggressively to address a number of structural
issues, including access to the proxy and credit rating agency
reform, that could also have as important an impact on the shape
of the markets, their regulation – and their participants.
However, if the SEC is stripped of much of its authority as part
of market reform, how effective an investor protection agency can
it be?
SEC Commissioner Luis Aguilar Speech on Market Reform
SEC
Chairman Mary Shapiro’s Speech to the ICI
Public
Plan Investors’ Principles of Financial Regulation
Reform
Retirement Security
Debate Heating Up
While the economy and the financial markets have stolen much of
the spotlight in Washington, D.C., in recent days, and healthcare
reform promises to become an increasingly important focus as the
Senate prepares to advance a specific proposal, the problems with
retirement security are also beginning to draw growing attention.
For example, Congressman George Miller (D-CA), chairman of the
House Education and Labor Committee, continues to hold his series
of hearings on the problems with defined contribution (DC) plans,
which he says “have become little more than a high stakes
crap shoot.” As Miller explains, “We must … ask
the difficult questions about the state of our nation’s retirement
system as a whole and look to see whether we need to create a new
leg of retirement security.” According to a small but growing
number of voices, models built around the precepts of the defined
benefit plan could fulfill that role better than a “new and
improved” version of the DC approach.
What might that new leg for the proverbial three-legged stool of
retirement security to which Congressman Miller alludes look like?
A group compromised of the Economic Policy Institute, the National
Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, the Pension
Rights Center and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU)
has an idea. They have launched what they call “Retirement
USA,” which is an initiative working for a new retirement
system that, together with Social Security, will provide universal,
secure, and adequate income for future retirees.
The Retirement USA principles are to be used as a framework for
evaluating how well proposals would fulfill the goals of universal
coverage, and secure and adequate income. The principals would
include concepts such as: pooled assets that are professionally
managed; shared responsibility among employers, employees and the
government; payouts only at retirement; and benefits that could
move with you even if you change jobs. Sounds like a DB model to
me!
The Retirement USA groups say that their initiative is not intended
to diminish in any way ongoing efforts to preserve, strengthen,
and improve current pensions, 401(k plans, and other retirement
plans, and to expand retirement plan coverage, but to begin work
on a new, more comprehensive system as an add-on to Social Security.
Alicia Munnell with the prestigious Center for Retirement Research
at Boston College, in a recent paper looking at the future of 401(k)
plans, also wonders if the time may have come to consider returning
401(k) plans to their original position as a third tier on top
of Social Security and employer-sponsored pensions.
In the meantime, the Obama Administration is signaling its support
for DC solutions. In the President’s 2010 budget blueprint,
the Administration supported a proposal that would require employers
sponsoring 401(k) or similar defined contribution plans to offer
automatic enrollment, while a second proposal would require employers
who do not already have their own retirement plans to enroll their
employees in a direct-deposit IRA.
However, the Administration has also indicated that it may have
serious problems with the current way in which the Federal government
subsidizes employer-based retirement. Noting that roughly half
the work force has no access to employer-based retirement plans,
Thomas E. Gavin, a spokesman for the Office of Management and Budget,
also stressed that “the existing incentives to save for retirement
are weak or non-existent for the majority of middle- and low-income
households.” Given that about two-thirds of the current tax
code subsidies for retirement security are for DC-type models,
perhaps the Administration might also be open to a DB-type approach?
Is such major change in the works? It’s hard to tell. Right
now, what is likely is that Congress will address 401(k) fee issues
and could also revisit some Bush-era rules dealing with mutual-fund
companies’ ability to offer personalized advice to 401(k)
participants in the plans that the companies manage. So the focus
will likely continue to be on trying to “fix” the 401(k)
system. But is it “fixable” as a viable retirement
plan, as opposed to a supplemental savings vehicle, even if, as
is the apparent thinking of some within the Administration, participation
is made mandatory? Which leg of the stool does Congress want a
401(k) plan to be? Clearly, the evidence would suggest that it
doesn’t work successfully as both the supplemental savings
leg and the pension plan leg.
Can DB plans still be relevant in any discussion about retirement
security? Certainly the Retirement USA supporters think so. Also,
the National Institute on Retirement Security (NIRS) is continuing
to do excellent work to raise the visibility and viability of DB
plans in policymakers’ thinking. For example, NIRS was recently
invited to participate in a White House meeting of President Obama’s
Economic Recovery Advisory Board (PERAB) to discuss the economic
crisis and retirement security.
The PERAB is headed up by former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and
includes a distinguished range of leaders from business, academia,
and labor. The PERAB has established a number of working groups,
one of which is focused on retirement and savings issues. The working
group invited 11 leading academic and think tank researchers (including
NIRS’ executive director, Beth Almeida) to share their perspectives
with the task force on the morning of May 20th. Needless–to-say,
we are certain Ms. Almeida was an eloquent spokesperson for the
advantages of the DB model.
So the debate on the future look of retirement security is clearly
underway, and while apparently outnumbered for now, DB supporters
have some opportunities to make a difference. NIRS is an important
resource for public plans in this debate. If you have ideas on
how the defined benefit model can be used to provide real retirement
security for all Americans, be sure to share them with NIRS.
Retirement USA Principles
Munnell Update on 401(k) Plans
New Public-Private
Investment Initiative Announced; Feds Seeking Public Plan Particiption
In late March, the Treasury Department formally announced its
Public-Private Investment Programs (PPIP) in conjunction with the
FDIC and the Federal Reserve Board. The goal of the overall effort
is to buy troubled mortgage loans and mortgage-backed securities
from banks using $75 billion to $100 billion in Troubled Asset
Relief Program (TARP) funds. Under the new program’s Legacy
Loans initiative, these TARP funds will be used to leverage private
investor monies which will fund the purchase of $500 billion of
troubled bank assets through public-private investment funds. A
Legacy Securities program will build on the current Term Asset-Backed
Securities Loan Facility (TALF). Pension funds in particular have
been targeted for participation in the new programs.
The PPIP’s purpose is to help “unfreeze” credit
markets by moving at least some of the “legacy” troubled
assets off the balance sheets of financial institutions so that
they can start lending again. Instead of using TARP funds to make
direct capital infusions into banking institutions, as was initially
the case when the program was set up in 2008, the PPIP program
is intended to utilize the TARP monies to help purchase troubled
loans and mortgage-backed securities.
The PPIP is intended to both leverage private sector dollars for
this purpose, as well as help establish market prices for the effort
through what the Treasury Department calls “Private Sector
Price Discovery.” However, some believe that politically,
of equal if not greater importance is the desire of the Obama Administration
to have the overall Federal efforts in this area viewed more as
responsible investments that governmental giveaways. So the political
importance of having private investors such as pension funds involved
to some degree in “risk-sharing” along with the taxpayer
is an important image that the Administration wants to convey.
Also, there is some concern that without such participation, this
program will be viewed as simply another “bailout” – this
time for hedge funds, who are likely participants and who have
suffered during the current economic crisis
The new program has two components: a “Legacy Loan Program” and
a “Legacy Securities Program.” Both programs involve
the purchase of assets by new Public-Private Investment Funds (PPIF)
capitalized by equity contributed by the Treasury Department and
private investors. These will be leveraged by direct government
or FDIC-guaranteed debt financing. The Loan Program’s goal
is the establishment of a market for troubled loans that continue
to overwhelm banks’ balance sheets. The Securities Program
is designed to initially address illiquidity in the secondary markets
for certain mortgage-backed securities, but it could be expanded
to include other asset classes.
Under the Legacy Loan Program, banks will identify the assets they
want to sell -- usually a pool of commercial and residential loans – and
the FDIC will determine the amount of funding it is willing to
guarantee; leverage will not exceed a 6-to-1 debt-to-equity ratio.
Then these pools of assets will be auctioned off to the highest
bidder, who will then create a PPIF. The winning bidder will contribute
50 percent of the required equity in excess of the guaranteed debt,
with the Treasury contributing the remaining 50 percent of equity.
Once the PPIF purchases the assets, the private fund managers will
control and manage the assets until final liquidation, subject
to FDIC oversight.
The second program, the so-called “Legacy Securities Program,” actually
has two parts: one provides debt financing from the Federal Reserve
pursuant to the TALF. Under the TALF program, the Federal Reserve
loans private investors most of the funds they need to purchase
securities backed by loans of various kinds; previously, the program
covered only highly creditworthy, new securitizations of loans
to consumers and small businesses. This new program will now permit
the TALF to be used in connection with much more “toxic” TARP
assets, chiefly residential and commercial mortgage-backed securities.
Under the second part of the Legacy Securities Program, private
sector fund managers will submit proposals and will be pre-qualified
to raise private capital to participate in this joint investment
program with Treasury. These managers will form both a private
investment fund and a PPIF (the “Legacy Securities Fund”).
Investors will invest in the private investment fund, where they
will be locked in for at least three years. This private fund will
then invest along with the Treasury Department in the Legacy Securities
Fund, with each providing 50 percent of the required equity. The
Federal government will also consider an additional loan to the
fund of up to 100 percent of the total equity raised from private
investors and the Treasury.
The Legacy Securities Funds will essentially pursue a long-term
buy and hold strategy. Securities eligible for purchase will initially
include only certain residential and commercial mortgage-backed
securities that were originally rated AAA by two or more nationally
recognized statistical ratings organizations.
There is apparently interest in the new PPIP from public pension
funds, and a number of State officials have reportedly already
spoken with Treasury representatives about the details of participation.
Some think that public plans, as long-term, patient investors,
would be well-suited to accept the risk associated with these mortgage
securities pools in return for the opportunity to make above-market
gains. Girard Miller, a frequent commentator on public pension
issues for Governing Magazine, believes that the new program could
represent a “viable opportunity” for public pension
funds “to tip-toe into the mortgage market for long-term
investment returns.” Furthermore, he also notes that there
would be political benefits to such a move, calling it a good opportunity “for
state and local pension fund participation in the cure of our nation's
economic malaise.”
Whether the program will be seen as a golden investment opportunity
for plans and a boost to the nation’s economic recovery effort,
or (as characterized in at least one major news media release)
a case of public pension funds becoming entangled with “toxic
bank assets” will be a judgment call that each fund will
have to make on its own. However, it appears that there is sufficient
interest in the concept among some public plans that "people
are going to try to work on options on how to potentially pursue
it," as one public fund official has been quoted (anonymously)
as saying.
Treasury Fact Sheet on Public Private Partnership Investment Program
Brookings Institute Assessment of PPIP
Girard Miller Column on PPIP in Governing Magazine
Healthcare Reform
Advances; Mandatory Medicare for Public Employees Rears it's Head,
as Does Taxation of Employer-Provided Healthcare Congress
has begun to take the first steps in the actual consideration of
healthcare reform legislation, but the idea of creating a new government-run
health plan in order to expand coverage continues to be a major
sticking point. Of course, there is also the overarching issue
of how to pay for the massive reform effort, and one possibility
that has recently been included in a list of possible revenue-raising
options developed for the Senate Finance Committee is to extend
the Medicare payroll tax to all State and local government employees.
Means testing of the Medicare Part D prescription drug benefit
has also been put on the table. Finally, an idea that initially
seemed to be off the table may be back on: taxing some employer-provided
healthcare benefits.
At the end of April, the Senate Finance Committee
began the arduous task of drafting healthcare reform legislation,
focusing on Medicare
and revisions of its payment system. Finance Committee Chairman
Max Baucus (D-MT) and Ranking GOP Member Charles Grassley (R-IA)
based the discussion on a set of proposals they released that are
aimed at improving the quality of patient care and reducing healthcare
costs.
In general, their proposals are intended to increase the
number of primary care physicians, reduce hospital readmission
rates,
increase transparency, overhaul Medicare Advantage plan payments
and create quality benchmarks for physicians and hospitals. They
address chronic care management, pay-for-performance, health information
technology, and comparative effectiveness research.
Since then, the Finance Committee has released two additional sets
of policy options, one focused on expanding coverage and the most
recent on the financing of reform, which provides proposed health
system savings and revenue options.
There appears to be a good deal of consensus on the direction in
which the quality of care options lead, according to both Baucus,
who said that there was “near unanimity on the goals we’re
reaching for,” and Grassley, who observed that he “did
not find a lot of dissension” when they were discussed in
the full Committee. However, these discussions have been closed
to the public, so it is difficult to judge the true depth of any
real consensus. Furthermore, all is apparently not “sweetness
and light” when the focus turns to coverage.
For example, the Committee’s options to expand coverage included
three alternatives for a public health insurance option. One is
a Medicare-like option that would be administered by HHS, with
the Federal government setting payment rates. Another alternative
is a public health insurance option that would be administered
through multiple, regional, third-party administrators, which would
establish networks of participating medical providers and would
negotiate payments for providers participating in this option.
The third alternative would be a state-run public health insurance
option. The policy paper also presents the option of not creating
a public health insurance option, but expanding coverage through
a reformed and better regulated private market.
When Senator Baucus signaled that, in an effort to obtain bipartisan
support for a reform proposal, he might not push for such a public
insurance option in any final plan, he was immediately assailed
by sixteen Senate Democrats urging him to change his views. Their
letter, which was also sent to Senate Health, Education, Labor
and Pensions (HELP) Committee Chairman Ted Kennedy(D-MA), outlined
the need for a public health insurance plan option to be included
as a way of keeping HMO costs in-line and ensuring health insurance
access in all parts of the country. Pressing for a public plan
option as “a core component” of healthcare reform,
they argued that “There is no reason to believe that private
insurers alone will meet the public purpose of ensuring coverage
for all Americans at an affordable price for taxpayers.”
However, Republicans are adamantly opposed to the public plan option
in any form, and the business community also has serious problems
with it. For example, the steering committee of the National Coalition
on Benefits – which includes the Business Roundtable, the
National Association of Manufacturers and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,
among others -- has expressed “grave reservations.” In
a letter to President Obama and House Ways and Means Committee
Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY), the business leaders said that “A
public plan, particularly combined with the impact of Medicare,
Medicaid and other public plans, cannot operate on a level playing
field and compete fairly if it acts as both a payer and a regulator.” They
stressed their belief that “The public plan’s unfair
competitive position, both by its size and regulatory authority,
will merely shift costs to the private sector and employees covered
by private plans.”
Even some Democrats reportedly raised concerns when the Senate
Finance Committee met in another closed-door session to discuss
the coverage options. Indeed, Senator Grassley has been reported
as saying that there was "an awful lot of conflict" when
the issue was discussed.
So where is the Obama Administration in all of this heated discussion?
In general, the President has indicated his desire to set broad
policy goals for healthcare reform and let the Congress hammer
out the details. For example, when he released his 10-year budget
plan earlier this year, he included the creation of a reserve fund
to be used in connection with healthcare reform, but provided no
details of how the coverage is to be provided. However, he cannot
avoid some of the more critical aspects of the debate.
In fact, the President has said that a public plan provided by
the Federal government would help guarantee access to health insurance
for all Americans, and during the Presidential campaign, Mr. Obama
indicated that he thought such a public plan could be modeled on
Medicare. But, with reports that such an approach appears to be
off the table, the White House is reportedly indicating that it
could perhaps live with the two other options that seem to still
be viable: a public insurance plan run by multiple regional third-party
administrators; or insurance plans created by the States, which
could permit the general public to purchase policies through the
plans available to State employees. In any case, the pressure is
on from many Congressional Democrats on both sides of the Hill
for the President to hold firm for expanding the government’s
role in providing health coverage. But Mr. Obama is playing his
cards close to his vest, and has not yet made a final commitment
to a public plan.
Then there is the issue of the cost of healthcare reform – and
how to pay for it. A threshold question is just how much that cost
will be, with some saying that it could top $1 trillion. In any
case, according to this year’s Congressional budget, any
healthcare legislation bill must pay for itself over an 11-year
period, and President Obama agrees with this goal.
Of course, the manner of paying for this expense promises to also
be a very tricky topic for discussion. The third set of policy
options developed by the Senate Finance Committee deals with this
subject, and was just released in mid-May. As with their coverage
options, this latest package of financing proposals promises to
also produce a vigorous debate. Of chief interest to many State
and local governments is a proposal included in this set of options
that would extend Medicare coverage on a mandatory basis to all
employees of State and local governments, without regard to their
dates of hire or participation in a retirement system.
Currently, State and local government employees hired (or rehired)
after March 31, 1986, are subject to mandatory Medicare coverage.
Employees who were hired before April 1, 1986, and who have been
in continuous employment with the employer since March 3l, 1986,
who are not covered under a Section 218 Agreement nor subject to
the mandatory Social Security and Medicare provisions, remain exempt
from both Social Security and Medicare taxes, provided they are
members of a public retirement system.
Under the “Mandatory Medicare” revenue option, such
employees and their employers would become liable for the hospital
insurance (Medicare ) tax; the rate is 1.45 percent for the employee
and 1.45 percent for the employer, and the amount of wages subject
to Medicare taxes is not capped. Employees would earn credit toward
Medicare eligibility based on their covered earnings.
When the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) looked at this kind
of proposal in 2007, it determined that such an option would increase
revenues by only $0.6 billion in 2008 and by a total of $2.7 billion
over the 2008–2012 period. However, CBO also noted that the
annual gain in revenues from that change would decline over time
as employees who were hired before April 1986 gradually retired
or otherwise left the payrolls of State and local governments.
So the real argument for such a change is not really revenue-related.
Rather, it deals with what proponents assert is fairness.
Specifically, they argue that even though only about 10 percent
of State or local workers do not currently pay the Medicare tax
through their employers, nevertheless most of them will receive
Medicare benefits under current law because they either previously
had other, Medicare-covered jobs, or they will be covered through
their spouse's employment. Thus, the argument goes, these workers
unfairly receive high levels of benefits in relation to the payroll
taxes they paid.
Another funding option that has resurfaced recently is the taxation
of certain healthcare benefits. This idea was floated by President
Bush in January of 2007, when he proposed to “treat health
insurance more like home ownership” by giving people tax
deductions for their health insurance similar to those for home
mortgage interest. His proposed deductions were to be used by people
who didn’t have employer-provided coverage. The deductions
would have been paid for by taxing people on that part of their
employer-provided health insurance that exceeded the dollar amounts
of the deductions.
The idea went nowhere, and when the general concept
was resurrected during the last Presidential campaign by Senator
John McCain (R-AZ),
it ran into a buzz saw of opposition, including from then-candidate
Obama, who characterized it as “the largest middle-class
tax increase in history.” Also, unions have long considered
such employer-provided benefits among their most outstanding accomplishments,
and many Members of Congress are adamantly opposed to the idea
of changing the current structure. For example, Congressman Pete
Stark (D-CA), Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee’s
Subcommittee on Health, has reportedly called it “a dumb
idea,” saying that it is important “to maintain as
much as we can of the employer payments.” Even the U.S. Chamber
of Commerce opposes totally doing away with the exclusion for employer-provided
health benefits (but may not oppose placing limits on it).
Nevertheless, some leading Democrats, including Senator Baucus,
are now willing to entertain the idea. Senator Baucus think the
current tax-favored treatment is “too regressive,” skewing
the system to benefit upper income individuals. He also has problems
with the alternative proposed by President Obama as the centerpiece
of his funding approach for healthcare reform, which would be to
limit the wealthiest taxpayers’ income tax deductions. House
Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel also has problems
with that approach
One cause for their concern is that the President’s suggestion
would only raise an estimated $318 billion over 10 years, compared
to the potential for trillions of dollars that could be raised
from adjustments to the tax treatment of employer-provided health
benefits. For example, CBO says that including health benefits
in taxable income could produce as much as $246 billion in additional
Federal revenue in just one year.
Another factor in this discussion (one that could have major
ramifications down the road for the current tax treatment of employer-provided
pension benefits) is the level of subsidies and incentives related
to healthcare in the Federal tax code and whether they are producing
the most “bang for the buck.” The so-called “tax
expenditure” (i.e. the amount of money that the Federal government
foregoes in tax collections in order to subsidize a certain behavior)
that results from the exclusion of employer-sponsored health care
from income ($132.7 billion for calendar year 2008), when added
to the other healthcare subsidies in the Internal Revenue Code,
such as the exclusion of Medicare benefits from income, totaled
a whopping $194.2 billion in the last calendar year.
Furthermore, these tax preferences for health care benefits also
reduce payroll taxes by an additional $93.5 billion. Combined,
total tax “spending” on health care therefore amounted
to $287.7 billion in 2008, according to the Senate Finance Committee.
With 46 million Americans lacking healthcare coverage, Members
of Congress are increasingly questioning whether this Federal tax
expenditure is a fair one. Some think it results in (1) inefficient
and costly demands for health care due to a lack of appreciation
for its true costs; (2) lower wages because employers can’t
afford more and more costly health insurance premiums as well as
pay salary increases; and (3) discriminatory treatment of those
who do not have employer-provided coverage, many of whom are also
low-income workers.
Therefore, as the Committee’s latest policy options for financing
healthcare reform point out, “comprehensive health reform
must also entail an examination of current health tax expenditures,
with the goal of modifying, or perhaps limiting, these current
expenditures.” One option would be to limit the value of
employer-provided health coverage that is excludible from gross
income to some specific dollar amount. Another option that is suggested
would be to apply the limit only to taxpayers whose incomes exceed
a threshold. For example, limits to the exclusion could apply to
taxpayers with adjusted gross income (AGI) in excess of $200,000
($400,000 for joint filers), with the limit phased out for taxpayers
whose income exceeds that threshold.
A third option suggested in the Senate Finance paper would be to
limit the exclusion based on both the value of employer-provided
health insurance and the income of the taxpayer. And it is even
suggested that any limits on the exclusion could vary based on
geographic differences in the cost of living, including medical
costs. Finally, yet another option could be to convert the exclusion
to a deduction or tax credit. And other tax subsidies are also
potentially on the chopping block, including reducing the tax advantages
of health savings accounts and itemized deductions of medical expenses.
The Finance Committee options also examine two other areas of potential
funding sources to pay for healthcare reform, namely savings achieved
from within the health care system from reductions in current levels
of spending; and changing non-health tax provisions. Among the
former are such ideas as means-testing Medicare Part D -- thus
requiring beneficiaries whose incomes exceed certain thresholds
to pay higher premiums for Part D drug coverage -- or limiting
or completely doing away with health flexible spending accounts,
whereby employers reimburse medical expenses of their employees
(and their spouses and dependents) not covered by a health insurance
plan, typically through cafeteria plans. The non-health tax provisions
would include imposing a Federal excise tax per 12 ounces of sugar-sweetened
beverage, or a uniform tax based on the alcohol content of all
distilled spirits, wine, and beer (currently the tax varies based
on the type of product).
Based on these controversial options, the debate on the best way
to finance healthcare reform will, as promised, certainly be a
very contentious one. What, then, is the likely outcome concerning
these financing options, and what are the latest expectations for
Congressional action on a healthcare reform package?
First, as far as mandatory Medicare coverage for State and local
governments is concerned, this may be a very hard sell. As previously
noted, the revenues associated with the proposal are not large
when you are looking at potentially a $1 trillion hole to fill,
and they will begin to decline rather rapidly as the fixed group
of potential new Medicare taxpayers increasingly begin to retire.
Also, as the CBO points out, extending the tax to more employees
would eventually increase the number of Medicare beneficiaries
and could increase the Federal government's obligation for future
Medicare benefits.
But perhaps the most compelling reason at this juncture not to
extend coverage is the fiscal impact that this tax increase would
have on the already precarious finances of those State and local
governments with large numbers of workers who are not currently
covered by Medicare. It is reported that Senators from affected
States, such as Senator John Kerry (D-MA), are already working
to keep the option off the table.
As for a means test for Medicare Part D, this one could fly. First,
it was an idea that John McCain and his GOP colleagues endorsed
in last year’s Presidential campaign. Next, even though he
voted against such a means test proposal in 2007 as a Senator,
now President Obama has included the idea as part of his FY 2010
budget proposal. Even Senator Baucus, who also voted no along with
Obama in 2007, has now said that times have changed. There is a
growing consensus among Democrats that health-care costs must be
contained, and that coverage must be expanded to everyone, he says. "In
the past, we've dealt with Part D on its own, and that tends to
be polarizing,” Baucus is quoted as saying. “So the
thought here is, that's much less likely if people think we're
all in this together," Baucus said.
Finally, as for the possibility of some level of taxation of employer-provided
healthcare benefits, this also appears to be an idea that is increasingly
being given serious consideration. It could raise a very significant
amount of money and could therefore well be part of some “grand
compromise” on healthcare reform. Even President Obama may
be changing his views on the subject. For example, Peter Orszag,
the President’s Director of the Office of Management and
Budget (OMB), has testified before Congress that it is an idea
that “most firmly should remain on the table.” Also,
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has said in Congressional testimony
that the administration was open to all ideas as to funding healthcare
reform.
But it does not appear that the exemption from taxation will completely
be done away with. In response to a new Republican healthcare reform
proposal introduced in mid-May called the “Patients' Choice
Act” -- which would eliminate the exemption and replace it
with an annual tax credit of $2,300 to each individual and $5,700
to each family – Senator Baucus said that totally eliminating
the tax incentives for employer-provided health benefits "would
destroy the employer-based health-care system we have today." A
more likely scenario is that limits would be placed on the exemption.
But even this more restricted approach will meet strong opposition
from unions and liberal Democrats, particularly in the House.
So where does it all go from here? Clearly, Senate leaders are
trying to keep hopes alive for a bipartisan approach. Hence, Senator
Baucus’ signals regarding a public plan component, discussed
above, that have so disturbed many liberals in his own party. But
Democratic leaders know that, even with the addition of former
Republican Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) to their ranks, and assuming
that Al Franken is finally declared the winner in Minnesota, keeping
the resulting 60-vote majority to avoid a potential Senate GOP
filibuster on healthcare reform will be very tough. For example,
Senate conservative Democrat Ben Nelson (D-NB) has said that a
public plan provision in the reform package would be a “deal
breaker” for him, while liberal Democrats have threatened
to withhold their support unless it is included.
One possible way around such an impasse would be to consider healthcare
reform as part of the budget reconciliation process, which is not
subject to being filibustered and would therefore only require
51 votes for passage instead of the filibuster-proof 60 vote super-majority.
Indeed, the ability to do so was included in the final budget resolution
for FY 2010 approved by Congress at the end of April. But Republicans,
not a one of whom voted for the budget resolution, are adamantly
opposed to this route, and Democratic leaders have said they will
use it only as a “last resort.”
For now, the hope is that the Senate Finance Committee can reach
agreement on a final draft bill in June, which will then be cleared
for the full Senate without any further hearings. The Senate Health,
Education, Labor and Pensions Committee also plans to do the same
with its healthcare reform proposals, and the two will be combined
when the full Senate takes them up this summer. In the House, the
plan is for the three Committees with jurisdiction – Energy
and Commerce, Education and Labor, and Ways and Means – to
come up with a single bill. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) recently
told President Obama that the House will have a health care bill
on the floor before it leaves for the August recess.
There is much work to do before such an ambitious schedule can
be met, but on May 21st, Senator Baucus told reporters that chances
of getting Senate approval of a bipartisan health-care overhaul
are “very, very high.” Of course, what a final bill
will look like remains to be seen. However, as discussed above,
the outlines of such a likely proposal are becoming increasingly
clear.
Finance Committee Policy Options on Quality of Care
Finance Committee Policy Options on Coverage
Finance Committee Policy Options on Financing Healthcare Reform
SEC Proposes New Proxy Access Rule
In a move that institutional investors view as long overdue, the
Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has approved for public
comment a proposal that should finally provide meaningful proxy
access. Under the proposal, shareowners holding (for at least one
year) 1 percent of the shares of companies with market values exceeding
$700 million would be able to have their nominees included on such
a company’s proxy ballot. The smaller the company, the more
shares that would have to be owned before such access would be
provided. The SEC also proposed changes to its so-called “election
exclusion” rule that would generally no longer allow a company
to exclude shareowner proposals to amend the company's bylaws dealing
with the nomination of directors from the company’s proxy
materials. The Business Roundtable called the SEC’s action “an
unprecedented preemption of state corporate law,” and the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce was threatening a lawsuit even before
the SEC acted. But Senator Chuck Schumer (D-NY) has also introduced
legislation that, among other things, would confirm the SEC’s
authority in this area.
On May 20th, the SEC, by a 3 to 2 party-line vote, proposed new
amendments dealing with the difficult issue of proxy access. The
last time the SEC visited the issue was in November of 2007, when
-- again on a party-line vote – the then-Republican controlled
SEC decided to effectively overturn the 2006 AFSCME v. AIG court
ruling, under which investors could offer bylaw amendments that
would establish procedures permitting shareowners to include in
the corporate proxy materials their nominees for the board of directors.
At the time, the then-Chairman of the SEC, Christopher Cox, promised
to renew efforts to expand shareholder access during 2008, but
the Commission did not take the subject again during his tenure.
Now, with Democrats in control of a majority of
the 5-member Commission, the SEC has proposed a new Exchange Act
Rule 14a-11. Under this
new Rule, shareholders would be eligible to have their nominee
included in the proxy materials of a "large accelerated filer" --
a company with a worldwide market value of $700 million or more
-- or of a registered investment company with net assets of $700
million or more if the shareholders own at least 1 percent of the
voting securities.
For companies that qualify as “accelerated filers”—a
company with a worldwide market value of $75 million or more but
less than $700 million – the shareholders would have to have
at least 3 percent of the voting securities. Finally, for companies
that are “non-accelerated filers -- a company with a worldwide
market value of less than $75 million -- or a registered investment
company with net assets of $75 million or more but less than $700
million, the shareholders would have to own at least 5 percent
of the voting securities.
Shareholders would be able to aggregate holdings in order to meet
the applicable thresholds, and would be required to have held their
shares for at least one year. Furthermore, the nominating shareholder
would be required to file with the Commission and submit to the
company a new Schedule 14N, which would require disclosure of the
amount and percentage of securities owned by the nominating shareholder,
the length of ownership, and intent to continue to hold the securities
through the date of the meeting. The new Schedule 14N would also
require a certification that the nominating shareholder is not
seeking to change the control of the company or to gain more than
minority representation on the board of directors.
Shareholders
would be limited as to the number of director nominees they could
submit: no more than one shareholder nominee, or a number
of nominees that represents up to 25 percent of the company's board
of directors, whichever is greater.
With regard to the qualifications that a shareholder's nominee
would be required to meet in order to be nominated, the person
must satisfy “objective independence standards of the applicable
national securities exchange or national securities association.” Furthermore,
the nominating shareholder may have no direct or indirect agreement
with the company regarding the nomination of the nominee.
The SEC also approved for comment amendments to its Rule 14a-8(i)(8),
which currently allows companies to exclude shareholder proposals
that "relate to an election." This rule was the subject
of the AFSCME v. AIG court decision in 2006, when the U.S. Court
of Appeals for the Second Circuit found that AIG did not have the
right to exclude AFSCME's shareholder proposal seeking proxy access
in order to nominate directors.
AFSCME had argued that its shareholder proposal did not address
a particular seat in a particular election, but rather, that its
proposal simply set the background rules governing elections generally.
In the past, the SEC would have agreed with AFSCME and denied AIG
the ability to exclude the proposal, but the SEC staff had subsequently
changed its position. The Court’s decision was based more
on process than on the correct interpretation of the Rule; it found
that this change in interpretation had not been handled appropriately
by the SEC, which it said had a “duty to explain its departure
from prior norms.")
As noted previously, the SEC effectively overturned this court
ruling in 2007, and the SEC staff had begun to permit companies
to exclude such proposals for the corporate proxy. The newly proposed
amendment to this rule would stop those exclusions and once again
permit shareholder proposals by qualifying shareholders that would
amend a company's governing documents dealing with nomination procedures
or other director nomination disclosure provisions, so long as
those disclosure provisions don't conflict with the new proposed
Rule 14a-11. Proxy access shareholder proposals would be subject
to the same eligibility requirements as other shareholder proposals
under Rule 14a-8, namely that the shareholder must hold at least
$2,000 in market value or 1 percent of the company's shares for
at least one year in order to be eligible to submit a proposal.
The SEC’s action has been praised by corporate governance
proponents, with the Council of Institutional Investors’ Executive
Director, Ann Yerger, saying that “This is a great day for
shareowners.” Ms. Yerger said that “Access to the proxy
would invigorate board elections and make boards more responsive
to shareowners, more thoughtful about whom they nominate to serve
as directors and more vigilant in their oversight of companies.” Joseph
A. Dear, CII’s chair and CIO of the California Public Employees’ Retirement
System (CalPERS), also commended the SEC for its action, pointing
out that “The credit debacle represents a massive failure
of oversight—by boards as well as by regulation,” and
stressed that “Investors must have the tools to hold directors
accountable so they will do a better job of monitoring and, if
necessary, reining in management.”
However, others are not so pleased. In late April, anticipating
that SEC action on proxy access was in the works, the U.S. Chamber
of Commerce reportedly wrote to Chairman Shapiro, warning her that
the SEC’s powers are limited to proxy disclosure rules. According
to the letter, “No compelling reason exists to overturn the
long-standing state law role in controlling the substantive rules
regarding director election.” The letter also mentioned a
recent Delaware statute that “leaves it to the corporation
and its shareholders to resolve” the proxy-access debate,
which the Chamber said “should give pause to any federal
action.”
The Delaware reference is to several amendments to the Delaware
General Corporation Law signed into law in early April. These amendments,
which will go into effect on August 1, 2009, provide for changes
in several key areas including the right of access to proxy solicitation
materials and proxy expense reimbursement. However, while authorizing
the adoption of bylaws addressing these issues, the Delaware statutes
do not impose any requirements on corporations.
It is this area of state law preemption that opponents of the SEC
action believe provides the new rule proposal with its Achilles’ Heel.
The problem was perhaps best articulated by SEC Commissioner Troy
Paredes (R), who cited it as his “fundamental concern” with
the SEC’s action. Paredes said in his statement at the SEC
open meeting at which the rules were proposed that “The proposal,
especially proposed Rule 14a-11 dictating a direct right of access
to the company’s proxy materials, encroaches far too much
on internal corporate affairs, the traditional domain of state
corporate law.”
In Paredes’ view, the proposal goes too far past the point
of being about disclosure or even about the voting process. “Rather,” he
believes, “the fundamental essence of the proposal is to
realign corporate control at the federal level.” As he points
out, even if a majority of a company’s shareholders determine
that Rule 14a-11 is not in the firm’s best interests, the
new proposed Rule “would nonetheless force the company’s
shareholders into the Rule 14a-11 access regime, as shareholders
cannot opt out of Rule 14a-11 by prohibiting access or by adopting
eligibility requirements more restrictive than those of Rule 14a-11.” Furthermore,
he notes that this is the case even when the board, “in compliance
with its fiduciary duties,” chooses for the company not to
be subject to Rule 14a-11.
Paredes uses the new Delaware statute to provide an example. Assume,
he says, that the shareholders of “Delaware Corporation,” a
large accelerated filer, adopt a proxy access bylaw pursuant to
section 112 of the Delaware code, and that the bylaw requires that
a nominating shareholder or group has beneficially owned at least
three percent of Delaware Corp.’s shares for at least two
years. “The interplay between state law and Rule 14a-11 would
result in the substantive negation of the shareholder-approved
bylaw, as the lower one-percent/one-year Rule 14a-11 eligibility
requirements would, in effect, override the shareholder-approved
three-percent/two-year requirements,” Paredes notes. “Put
simply, the mandates of Rule 14a-11 not only work to displace private
ordering and state law, but risk negating the import of a shareholder
vote,” he concludes.
According to press reports, the Chamber of Commerce is already
considering a legal challenge if the new rules are adopted. However,
legislation introduced the day before the SEC’s action on
proxy access may help prevent such a challenge from being successful.
Specifically, Senator Chuck Schumer (D-NY) has introduced S. 1074,
which provides a "Shareholder Bill of Rights" that would,
among other things, instruct the SEC to issue rules specifically
allowing shareholders to have access to the corporate proxy if
they want to nominate directors to the board. Under the Schumer
bill, which was coauthored by Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA), shareholders
will have to have owned at least 1 percent of a public company’s
shares for at least two years – a longer holding period than
that contained in the SEC’s proposal.
The legislation would also provide shareholders with a "say
on pay"—an advisory vote on executive compensation --
and would require that the chief executive job be separate from
the chairman position, Directors would be required to receive at
least 50 percent of the vote in uncontested elections, and “staggered” boards
would be eliminated by requiring all directors to face re-election
annually.
Finally, the bill would require that public companies create a “board
risk committee.” According to Schumer and Cantwell, today
the oversight of how companies manage their risks is most often
a responsibility of the audit committee, which has enough responsibilities
already without also having to focus on risk in their opinion. “By
creating separate risk committees,” the two Senators note, “boards
will never again be able to say that they did not understand the
risks that the firms they oversee were taking.”
CalPERS and CII have both expressed support for the legislation,
with CalPERS’ CIO saying in a letter to Senator Schumer that “Your
legislation will enhance our ability to be active and prudent shareowners.” CII
issued a press release saying that the bill “would go a long
way toward making boards of directors and managers of public companies
more accountable to shareowners” and that CII “welcomes
Senator Schumer’s leadership on this important measure to
strengthen investor protection.”
Public comments on these proposed rule amendments, which are expected
to contain extensive questions, must be received by the Commission
within 60 days after their publication in the Federal Register.
This suggests that the SEC may want to be able to act on final
rules in time for the 2010 proxy season.
(For a totally different view on shareholder rights, take a look
at a recent paper on “The Legitimate Rights of Public Shareholders,” by
Lawrence E. Mitchell, George Washington University - Law School.
According to Mitchell, public shareholders do not, on net, contribute
capital to finance industrial production, and in fact are net consumers
of corporate equity. Moreover, Mitchell believes that he has developed
empirical evidence that public investors’ investment incentives
significantly distort the behavior of corporate managers who place
strong emphasis on stock price at the expense of long-term business
health. “The logical conclusion,” according to Mitchell, “is
that public shareholders' rights should, ideally, be eliminated,
and certainly not expanded or enhanced.”)
SEC News Release on Proxy Access Proposal
SEC Commissioner Paredes Statement on Proxy Access
Business Roundtable Statement on SEC Proxy Access Proposal
Schumer “Shareholder
Bill of Rights”
Schumer/Cantwell Press Release
Mitchell Paper on Eliminating Shareholder Rights
Snapshots
“Snapshots” is a new feature of the NCTR
Federal e-NEWS, intended to give you a very brief summary of
an issue,
event, or publication(s), and then provide links to appropriate
back-up materials. This is not intended to replace the more in-depth
analysis of issues which will continue to be the primary focus
of the e-News, but will allow coverage of a larger number of issues
of interest to NCTR members.
NCTR, NASRA, Other Public Sector Groups
File Comments on IRS Pilot Public Plans Questionnaire, Survey Process
SEC Continues to Look at Credit Rating
Agency Reform, CII Issues White Paper
SEC Wants Greater Control of Muni Bond
Market While Municipalities Want the Feds to Help Fund a New
Municipal Bond Insurance Company
Iran Divestment Bill Advances
New Administration Appointments of Interest
to Public Plans
GPO/WEP Repeal Introduced,
While Obama Administration Wants to Require States to Help with
Collection Data
HELPS II Reintroduced; Would Expand $3,000
Public Safety Healthcare Benefit to All Public Employees
SEC Considers New "Pay-to-Play" Rules in
Response to NY Placement Agent Controversy; NY AG Cuomo's Pension
Code of Conduct is Talked About as Possible Federal Standard
Society of Actuaries Public Pension Finance
Symposium Produces Wealth of Information on MVL
NCTR, NASRA, Other Public Sector
Groups File Comments on IRS Pilot Public Plan Questionnaire,
Survey Process
NCTR, NASRA and twelve other national organizations representing
public employers and employees filed a joint comment letter in
response to the IRS’ request for comments regarding its pilot
questionnaire for governmental plans. The letter contains many
of the same concerns that NCTR had expressed to the IRS during
the development of the Questionnaire, and focuses on three specific
areas: (1) the purpose for which the information will be used;
(2) the scope of the information being requested; and (3) the methodology
by which the information is being collected.
Underscoring the problems with the survey methodology is the fact
that virtually no large public pension systems were apparently
included in the pilot survey, thus suggesting that the results
of the larger survey of about 250 plans which will follow will
not be representative of the industry as a whole, given that the
vast majority of public employees are covered by a relatively small
percentage of all public plans. Also, serious problems with the
manner in which the questionnaires were addressed have also come
to light, again suggesting that responses might not be prepared
by those best able to address the IRS questions. Nevertheless,
the IRS continues to decline NCTR’s assistance in ensuring
that the surveys are getting to their intending recipients. "
NCTR continues to believe that the IRS and Treasury should develop
a more collaborative process and provide comprehensive and specific
guidance for the governmental plans community before a compliance/enforcement
process is undertaken. A meeting has been requested with Mark Iwry,
the new Treasury Deputy Assistant for Retirement and Health Policy,
to discuss public plan concerns in this regard.
Public Sector Comment Letter on IRS Pilot Governmental Plans Survey
SEC Continues to Look at Credit
Rating Agency Reform; CII Issues White Paper
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is taking additional
steps to address credit agency problems. For example, a roundtable
was held at the SEC on April 15, 2009, to further explore needed
reforms. Gregory Smith, general counsel of the Colorado Public
Employees’ Retirement Association, appeared on a panel offering
user perspectives, and discussed what have been identified by CII
as two key areas for immediate further action: oversight and accountability.
CII, which published a “white paper” on this subject
in April of 2009, recommended that Congress should create a new
Credit Rating Agency Oversight Board (CRAOB) with the power to
regulate rating agency practices, including disclosure, conflicts
of interest, and rating methodologies, as well as the ability to
coordinate the reduction of reliance on ratings. Alternatively,
the paper suggested that Congress could enhance the authority of
the SEC by granting it similar power to oversee the rating business.
The paper also proposed that Congress should eliminate the effective
exemption of rating agencies from liability and make rating agencies
more accountable by treating them the same as banks, accountants,
and lawyers.
SEC Roundtable on Credit Rating Agencies
CII White Paper on Credit Rating Agencies
SEC Wants
Greater Control of Muni Bond Market While Municipalities Want
the Feds to Help Fund a New Municipal Bond Insurance Company
An SEC official has reportedly announced that the Commission is
thinking about obtaining greater authority over the municipal bond
market. According to the National Association of State Auditors,
Comptrollers and Treasurers (NASACT), Mary N. Simpkins, the senior
special counsel of the Securities and Exchange Commission’s
Office of Municipal Securities, told the Council of Infrastructure
Financing Authorities Federal Policy Conference recently that the
SEC will be “aggressively” looking to improve the operations
of the municipal market.
The SEC says it wants greater control of municipal accounting standards;
increased regulation of market intermediaries; and the ability
to change the composition of the Municipal Securities Rulemaking
Board (MSRB) – which currently has two-thirds of it 15 members
made up of bank and securities dealers – to make it into
a more independent self-regulator.
In order to do so, the SEC would have to convince Congress to repeal
the so-called Tower Amendment, which prevents the SEC (as well
as the MSRB) from directly or indirectly requiring muni issuers
to file documents with them before their securities are sold. There
are rumors that the SEC may be seeking information from public
pensions regarding the manner in which plans’ funded status
is disclosed and used in connection with disclosure documents prepared
by bond issuers in order to potentially bolster their arguments
in favor of expanded jurisdiction in this area. The SEC may also
ask Congress to give them the authority to regulate the muni market
directly, such as subjecting municipal securities to SEC registration
requirements.
In the meantime, the National League of Cities (NLC) and the National Association
of Counties (NACo) are considering a Blue Ribbon Commission Report on Municipal
Credit Enhancement recommendation that they investigate the feasibility of creating
a new mutual credit enhancement company owned and operated by local governments.
The purpose of the company would be to improve the availability and affordability
of municipal bond insurance. The report also called upon the Federal government
to support the creation of the company by providing start-up capital, a Federal
guarantee, or reinsurance.
In addition, public pension plans are being considered
as possible investors.
Supporters of the concept claim that an unintended but positive benefit of such
a new entity would be that it will encourage good financial behavior and promote
the adoption of best practices. However, it looks like the SEC has other plans
to assure such “positive” results.
Report of the Blue Ribbon Commission on Municipal Credit Enhancement
NLC Preliminary Business Plan for Issuers Mutual Bond Assurance Company
Iran Divestment Bill Advances
At the end of April, the House Financial Services Committee approved
the Iran Sanctions Enabling Act, H.R. 1327. The legislation, which
is thus cleared for consideration by the full House, is intended
to support the decision of State and local governments and educational
institutions to divest from, and to prohibit the investment of
assets they control in, persons that : (1) have investments of
more than $20 million in Iran's energy sector; (2) provide Iran
with tankers for oil or liquefied natural gas or with products
for oil or liquefied natural gas pipelines; or (3) extend at least
$20 million in credit to be used in Iran’s energy sector.
The bill -- authored by the Committee’s Chairman, Barney
Frank (D-MA) with 177 cosponsors -- is similar to legislation enacted
last year to enable divestment from firms investing in certain
sectors in Sudan, and sets specific standards by which state and
local governments may divest. For example, it requires advance
written notice to persons to which the measure is intended to be
applied; provides that such persons have the opportunity to demonstrate
that they do not engage in the investment activities related to
Iran’s energy sector; and requires written notice to the
Department of Justice within 30 days of enactment of divestment
legislation pursuant to this Act.
A similar bill sponsored by Mr. Frank was passed by the full House
in the last Congress, but was not taken up in the Senate. A Senate
companion measure, which never got out of Committee, was sponsored
by then-Senator Barack Obama.
Summary of Iran Divestment Bill
Text of H.R. 1327
New Administration Appointments
of Interest to Public Plans
Phyllis C. Borzi has been nominated to be the Assistant Secretary
of Labor for Employee Benefits Security. Ms. Borzi’s appointment
is significant to public plans not because the Department of Labor
has jurisdiction over governmental systems – at least for
now -- but because she will be an important voice within the Obama
Administration on retirement security reform.
Ms. Borzi is familiar to many in the public sector, having served
as pension and employee benefit counsel for the House Subcommittee
on Labor-Management Relations of the Committee on Education and
Labor; she was on the Committee staff for 16 years. While there,
Ms. Borzi was influential in the development of both PERISA, a
proposal to effectively extend ERISA to public plans, as well as
PEPPRA (the Public Employee Pension Plan Reporting and Accountability
Act), which would have created extensive federal reporting and
disclosure for State and local government plans.
While a friend of public pensions and a supporter of DB plans,
Ms. Borzi’s past association with PERISA and PEPPRA proposals
makes some people nervous. As States make the hard choices they
will need to make in the next several years to deal with the impact
of the recent market downturn on pension funding, some fear that
this could resurrect calls for Federal protections if employee
groups think such efforts are unfair.
President Obama has also named Mark Iwry as Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Tax Policy for Retirement and Health Policy, a new position
at Treasury. Mr. Iwry will also serve as special counsel to Treasury
Secretary Geithner. Mr. Iwry’s is also a familiar face to
the public pension community from his days as Benefits Tax Counsel
at the Treasury Department during the Clinton Administration from
1995 to 2001. Mark’s service as Benefits Tax Counsel coincided
with some of the public pension community’s greatest successes
with regard to problems with the Internal Revenue Code, including
the long-sought changes to Section 415; the permanent moratorium
from the Federal nondiscrimination rules; 457 plan trust provisions;
and 415(n) purchase of service credit changes.
While a supporter of public sector DB plans, Mr. Iwry has also
been a very vocal advocate of automatic enrollment-based savings
initiatives, and the Obama Administration’s focus on DC plan
enhancements is in large part thought to be thanks to Mark’s
influence. As the national debate on reforming retirement security
advances, Mr. Iwry will be a major player in the discussions. His
knowledge of the way in which the public sector retirement systems
operate, and his close working relationships with many in our community
should be a real plus in this regard. Hopefully, he will also be
able to bring his knowledge of the public sector to bear in connection
with the IRS governmental plans initiative and be supportive of
increased guidance as a prerequisite to compliance.
GPO/WEP Repeal Introduced,
While Obama Administration Wants to Require States to Help with
Collection Data
Congressman Howard Berman (D-CA) has once again introduced legislation
to repeal the Government Pension Offset (GPO) and the Windfall
Elimination Provision (WEP). His legislation, H.R. 235, already
has 282 cosponsors as of May 22, 2009; a Senate companion measure,
S. 484, has also been reintroduced by Senator Dianne Feinstein
(D-CA), and it currently has 27 cosponsors. However, even though
the same legislation was eventually cosponsored by 352 House Members
in the last Congress, it did not receive consideration by the full
House.
The biggest problem for the legislation continues to be its cost,
estimated to reach more than $60 billion over 10 years, and the
current bill is also not expected to be given serious consideration
until an overhaul of the Social Security System is undertaken.
However, given the state of many American’s 401(k) retirement,
and the impact that the recession has had on the estimate for Social
Security solvency, such reform could actually be on the table in
the foreseeable future.
In the meantime, as previously reported, the Obama Administration
has in fact included in its budget a proposal to establish a mandatory
system for collecting data on pension income from non-covered State
and local employment. According to the budget documents, the purpose
is to eliminate the current “self-reporting burden on individuals” and
improve payment accuracy.
Text of H.R. 235
HELPS II Reintroduced; Would Expand
$3,000 Public Safety Healthcare Benefit to all Public Employees
As anticipated, Congressman Joe Crowley (D-NY) has reintroduced
his proposal to extend the so-called “HELPS I” $3,000
healthcare benefit contained in the Pension Protection Act of 2006
(PPA) to all public employees. The legislation, H.R. 1413, would
extend eligibility for the benefit, currently limited to retired
public safety officers only; (2) provide for a tax deduction of
such distributions rather than an exclusion from gross income;
(3) allow nonitemizing taxpayers to claim such tax deduction; and
(4) allow an annual inflation adjustment to the $3,000 limit beginning
after 2009. The bill currently has two cosponsors. It has been
referred to the House Ways and Means Committee where no hearings
have yet been held or scheduled.
While eligibility for the benefit would no longer be dependent
upon the pension plan making the direct payment of the healthcare
premium to the provider, thus removing a tremendous administrative
burden that has befallen many plans who have implemented HELPS
I, it is unclear what recordkeeping, if any, would still be required
of the retirement plan under HELPS II. Furthermore, some reviewers
of the legislation have noted that “public safety officer” and “public
school personnel” are defined separately from “public
employee.” It is not clear if the purpose is to provide the
tax advantage to public safety and school personnel outside the
public sector (e.g., for chartered schools).
Text of H.R. 1413Text of H.R. 1413
SEC Considers New "Pay-To-Play"
Rules in Response to NY Placement Agent Controversy; NY AG Cuomo's
Pension Code of Conduct is Talked About as Possible Federal Standard
In late April, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) announced
that it is considering adopting rules to restrict money managers
from making payments in order to obtain state business, often referred
to as “pay-to-play.” This announcement was made in
connection with the ongoing investigations involving private-equity
firms and hedge funds allegedly making illegal payments to placement
agents in order to win business with New York public pension funds.
Specifically, SEC Chairman Mary Shapiro said that her agency is
re-examining a 1999 proposal that would have barred investment
advisers from managing state pension funds if they donated to elected
officials involved in awarding adviser contracts.
In the meantime, some jurisdictions are moving to ban the use of
third party placement agents. But such bans raise concerns for
some. For example, Michael Travaglini, the executive director of
the Massachusetts Pension Reserves Investment Management Board,
is quoted as saying “There’s a legitimate place for
placement agents.” Others, such as Stephen Schwarzman, chairman
and chief executive officer of Blackstone Group, believe that a
ban would have a disproportionately adverse impact on small-size
investment funds, women-controlled funds, minority-owned funds,
and startup funds, which need an “advocate” to help
get them noticed by institutional investors.
Elsewhere, plans are adopting new disclosure policies to address
the issue. For example, the California Public Employees Retirement
System (CalPERS) recently adopted a new policy with regard to the
disclosure of placement agent fees. The CalPERS policy sets forth
the circumstances under which the plan will require the disclosure
of payments to placement agents in connection with CalPERS’ investments
in or through external managers. Others have policies dealing with
placement agents already in place.
But the latest approach is the “Public Pension Plan Reform
Code of Conduct” that New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo
developed as part of his settlement with private-equity firm Carlyle
Group. The New York State Teachers Retirement System has just adopted
this code, and will ban investment in any new fund or the engagement
of any investment manager in any new assignment, where the fund
or manager uses a placement agent or other intermediary for the
purpose of interacting or communicating with the System to obtain
an introduction of the fund or manager to the System or obtain
the System's investment in the fund or engagement of the manager.
There is even talk that the SEC is looking at the Cuomo code as
part of its action plans in this area. If so, this could represent
a watershed event for all involved. Is it better to have a uniform
Federal standard in this area, or should States and their individual
plans be left with the flexibility to make their own judgments?
How does this compare with your view regarding State prerogatives
and proxy access?
CalPERS Policy on Disclosure of Placement Agent fees
NYSTRS Statement on Adopting Cuomo Code of Conduct
Cuomo Public Pension Fund Reform Code of Conduct (begins on page
24)
Society of Actuaries Public
Pension Finance Symposium Produces Wealth of Information on MVL
The Society of Actuaries (SOA) issued a call for papers in 2008
seeking a wide variety of perspectives on the measurement of public
pension plan liabilities and related issues. More than 20 papers
were submitted, and the SOA held a Public Pension Finance Symposium
in Chicago May 18-19, 2009, to hear these papers presented. Topics
included the application of financial economics to public pensions;
the use of traditional actuarial methods; alternative methods to
measure risk in public pensions; risk profiles of public pension
plans; and intergenerational equity issues within public pensions.
Presenters included actuaries and others supporting the public
pension community’s views on these issues, including Paul
Zorn and Norm Jones with GRS, and Paul Angelo with Segal. Proponents
of MVL were also present, including Jeremy Gold. These papers provide
a wealth of information that will be useful as you consider the
GASB ITC discussed in a feature story in this issue of E-News.
Links
to SOA Papers
|